4.1. Dowry
This study found that dowry practices have significant contributing factors to child marriage in Indonesia particularly in Central and South Sulawesi. A number of studies showed that financial transactions around marriage may also contribute to the practice of child marriage, especially in contexts of poverty and vulnerability. In communities where the groom or his family pays a bride price at the time of marriage, which is often the case in parts of Africa, parents may benefit from marrying their daughters early if waiting increases bride prices. By contrast, in communities where the bride brings resources at the time of marriage (dowry, which is more prevalent in South Asia), the required dowry to be paid by parents may be lower if the bride is younger. Marrying a daughter at a younger age also reduces the investments that a family has to make in her education, without necessarily curtailing future returns to those investments if those returns benefit mostly the groom’s family. This may lead parents to reap immediate benefits from an early marriage even if this is not in the long term interest of the girl marrying early [17].
Nonetheless as a result of the mounting pressure to control girls' behavior and marry them early, the practice of dowry is widespread and demands are increasing, a view supported by participants in this research. As one older participant in research notes: “When I got married, there was no thought of the groom getting a single dime. Rather the groom had to pay 100 Bangladesh taka (USD1.18) to bring the wife along with him. And that money had to be paid to the father of the bride. The groom had to pay the cost of the ceremony. Now, it's the other way around. If you go to any girl or the girl's father, they ask for money or things. (Older man, Gaibandha)” and “Now it is quite impossible to marry without dowry. The amount is 10,000 taka (USD 118). 20,000 taka (USD 236) and 30.000 taka (USD 354) and more… now it is quite impossible. Most are not married without dowry. There is a great demand [on the family for] money, though they forget to know the name of the girl but not forget about dowry. It is very funny, the cow that is given as dowry, firstly they wanted to see it. Their curiosity is about how nice the cow is. It is like a market of dowry, they take [marry] a little girl but do not take her without dowry. (Older man Gaibandha)”[18].
In India where dowry payments are common, shocks may reduce the probability of child marriage, possibly, because a girl’s or a boy's family is unable to meet the dowry requirements. Cultural norms also heavily infuence child marriage. In societies where bride price payment is practiced (i.e. the groom’s family provides assets to the bride’s family in exchange for marriage), the bride’s family may reap immediate financial benefits from marrying their daughter. In other context a younger bride is more desirable as she has more time to commit to her new family and bear more children. Thus, where a bride price is paid, the bride’s family may gain greater benefit the younger their daughter is, which may motivate parents to marry their daughter early. Similarly, in circumstances where dowry payment is practiced, a smaller dowry may be required for a younger bride, so parents may be incentivised to marry their daughter at a young age to avoid the increasing cost [19].
In Bugis culture, the most dominant ethnic in South Sulawesi and some in Central Sulawesi, there is a form of a bridewealth practice named uang panai. A study from South Sulawesi reported that bridewealth practice (uang panai) was determined by the women's social status, age, education level, and pride of the bride and her family. Uang panai is paid by the groom to the bride and her family to conduct the wedding ceremony [20]. As uang panai has social value in Bugis culture, it may explain our findings that bridewealth/dowry practices were widely accepted by the community.
A study in Donggala in Central Sulawesi province reported that virginity was also considered a main factor in determining the amount of dowry besides level of education, employment status, religion, and behavior and beauty. It can be measured whether the girls are already pregnant (kawin kecelakaan) or still virgin (kawin adat). Those that are kawin adat will have a higher dowry amount compared to those who experienced kawin kecelakaan (kawin lari, getting pregnant, and marriage because of being caught red-handed by a traditional leader). The amount of money and dowry brought by the prospective groom is determined by the results of the family deliberations of the prospective husband and wife. Study shows the level of socio-economic status of the woman's family whom she intends to marry also greatly determines the size of the marriage fee. This status is usually measured by virginity, level of education, employment status, religion, and behavior and beauty. A community leader in Tanjung Batu stated the following: “If a woman who wants to get married has a high social status (the woman is still a virgin, works as a civil servant, bachelor, religion, physical appearance), then the dowry for this is at least 30 million rupiahs (USD 2,100). But if they just graduated from high school…., only 10–20 million (USD700-1,400).” [21]
4.2. Household financial security
This study also found that financial security including income also contributed to the acceptability of child marriage in Central and South Sulawesi. High prevalence of child marriage in Indonesia is related to poverty. A study in Indonesia reported that child marriage especially for girls has a tendency limit their income generation capacity so they can have a higher standard of living. In this study, women’s economic conditions by age group were classified into five categories: lowest 20%, lowest 20%-40%, lowest 40%-60%, lowest 60%-80%, and highest 20%. The lowest 20% and lowest 20–40% welfare status reflects poor economic conditions. Using logistic regression, it was found that there is a negative correlation between child marriage and income per capita [22]. The findings support our study as there was also a negative correlation between household financial security or income with child marriage acceptability.
A number of studies also have explored that poverty and the lack of viable income-generating options for girls and young women are important factors contributing to high child marriage rates. Skills and financial incentives are sometimes linked to investing in education in girls and/or on the condition that they do not marry until the age of 18 [23]. Child marriage leads women to have children earlier and more children over their lifetime than if they had married later. It affects girls’ educational attainment and literacy negatively, thereby curtailing future opportunities for them to compete for well-paying jobs [17].
A lack of their own income and financial planning skills has the potential to reduce bargaining power for women within the household as well as investment in their children, affecting future generations and contributing to girls getting married at an early age. Similarly, early marriage is also likely to limit the earning capacity of women by reducing their education, work experience before marriage, and ability to work outside the home while married. Even if women who experience child marriage, later contribute more to household income, the improvement in income alone may not always ensure good health outcomes for them. They and their family members (e.g., their babies) will still be more likely to experience stunting, physical disabilities, and risk of degenerative diseases in the future [23].
Child marriage is often considered a way out to lessen the economic burden on the family. Supporting household economic security may provide an acceptable alternative to marriage and increase the value and contribution of the children, particularly girls to her family, for example, having a higher income. The intervention can be conducted by providing scholarships or support for children to access education and conducting livelihood programs.
4.3. Knowledge of legal framework
This study found that the knowledge of the legal framework is a significant contributing factor to the acceptability of child marriage in Central and South Sulawesi by using ANOVA, even though it did not remain significant after the regression linear analysis. The legal framework was measured by asking whether households have to correct knowledge of the marriage law including whether they register their marriage and own identity documents.
Knowledge of the legal framework of marriage in Indonesia may contribute to child marriage prevention. Indonesia has made progress by increasing the legal minimum of marriage for girls. Previously, according to Marriage Law No.1/1974, Indonesia allowed girls aged 16 years and below to marry. The Marriage Law was amended in September 2019 and it increased the age that girls can be married from 16 to 19 years, the same age as boys. The legal framework is an enabling environment factor for child marriage prevention, even though some studies reported that it is not sufficient to create lasting change [17].
Field data from West Bengal reveal that the PCMA (types of legal law codes in India) had success in reducing the number of such marriages or punishing its practitioners. Thus, the state had only six registered police cases of child marriage in 2008. Data for the year 2009 are not yet available. The district of Malda did not register a single case of child marriage until September 2010. The district has state-imposed any injunction to prohibit child marriage in recent times. This reveals that the new law has motivated the relevant persons to implement the law. Conversely, the existing DSWOs and CMPOs (types of legal aid agencies in India) need to wait for changes in social attitudes to enable them to initiate any real action against the violators of the law [24].
4.4. Sexual and gender-based violence
This study found that SGBV (sexual and gender-based violence) was a significant contributing factor to the acceptability of child marriage in Central and South Sulawesi using ANOVA analysis and linear regression analysis. The sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) measure explored the acceptance of sexual violence against women/girls and male control over marriage as well as the belief that child marriage prevents sexual harassment.
Child marriage is a manifestation of gender-based violence and a violation of the fundamental human rights of women as many girls are forced into marriage against their freewill and consent. It is harmful to children as it robs them of their childhood innocence and turns them into “adults” prematurely. For girls, the age in which they are married renders them unable to negotiate safe sex and are therefore vulnerable to sexually transmitted diseases and domestic violence. The child brides are forced into sexual intercourse with their spouses as soon as they are married resulting in very early pregnancy and resulting in vesico vaginal fistula (VVF) obstetric fistula, when such girls give birth eventually at very tender ages [25].
In societies where gender norms devalue girls’ position, girls are more likely to experience violence within marriages. They are also more likely to experience physical and sexual abuse than those who marry later. Girls not only experience abuse from their husband, but also from other family members. As girls enter into marriage, they may be forced to have a marital sex earlier than they are ready. Furthermore, it may lead to adolescent pregnancy withave high risk of complications during birth and negative impact on the young mother and the baby. Gender-based violence can also harm children’s mental and physical health, and increase the perception of violence as acceptable. Children who witness violence are also more likely to perpetrate violence as adults. Various studies reveal that there was a strong likelihood that violent or child abuse will become a continuing cycle of violence. The rates of abuse are higher among women whose husbands were abused as children or who saw their mothers being abused [26].
Gender-based-power relations between young wives and husbands, parents and in-laws are not equal. The unequal gender-based power relations in female child marriage practices in poor families are related to limitation of knowledge and reproduction of power [27]. Unequal gender relations are continuously reproduced through the imposition of negative social labeling on girls. The prevention of female child marriage requires a comprehensive approach by addressing the social and cultural values, especially promoting equal gender relations. One of the solutions is empowerment based on equal gender perspective [28].
Limitations
As the study used the cross-sectional study design, it assessed the independent and dependent simultaneously (capturing in one single time). The limitation of the study is that we cannot draw the causal relationship between the independent and dependent variable. The association between the variables are predictive in nature as we measured the respondents’ knowledge, attitudes and perceptions toward child marriage issues. The further study will be needed to analyse the relationship between these two variables, for example, to analyse the determinant of child marriage with focusing more on the sample from populations who experienced child marriage.