One of the most effective ways to control infectious diseases and eliminate their transmission is to improve the awareness of the population at risk in endemic communities and to mobilise them to take part in control activities [18]. To achieve this goal, it is crucial to discern the knowledge and attitude gaps in the targeted population before establishing health education interventions. Previous studies that have investigated knowledge and attitude in the health context have revealed that there is a direct relationship between the awareness of a population at risk and the adoption of effective preventive measures [19]. Moreover, such studies have helped health education policymakers to implement integrated effective disease control programmes [20].
Knowledge and attitude studies on CL vary between regions and are strongly dependent on the sociocultural setting. In the current study, knowledge and attitude towards CL in the five most endemic communities in Shar’ab district, southwestern Yemen was evaluated. The findings indicated that CL was familiar to the local targeted community. The members of the community described a CL lesion using the following terms: Athrah (scar), Shiqna (lesion that affects all family members), Nafta (nodular lesion) or Bula (wet lesion) to describe a CL lesion. Local vernacular names differ from region to region and are mostly related to the lesion morphology, the aesthetic and social stigmata associated with a disease, and the disease course [21]. The participants in the current study considered a skin lesion on the face to be a symptom of CL.
Moreover, 76.0% of the participants had seen CL cases within the community either among family members or other persons in their vicinity. This result seems to be a direct consequence of the high endemicity of CL in the investigated areas that causes the population to be aware of the signs and symptoms of the disease. Unfortunately, the lack of previous investigations on the level of knowledge about CL and/or CL-related stigma among the Yemeni population prevents a comparison of the results of the current study with other prior findings. However, this result is aligned with those reported for the Volta region in Ghana (an endemic area) where 82.0% of participants reported having seen CL cases and that skin lesions is the main symptom [22]. In contrast, a knowledge, attitude and practice (KAP) study carried out in Alexandria, Egypt (a nonendemic area) found that the majority of the participants (90.0%) had never seen an infected person [23].
Although most of participants in current study were aware of the CL symptoms, unexpectedly, they had poor knowledge about the mode of transmission of the disease: Only 12.9% of the participants knew that the sand fly is the vector for CL. This finding is consistent with previous studies conducted in endemic areas in Ghana and Saudi Arabia [22, 24]. In contrast, a study in Northern Ecuador reported that 80.0% of the participants had knowledge about the role of the sand fly in the transmission of CL [25]. This relatively high level of knowledge might be a consequence of the high frequency of CL associated with sand fly bite history experienced by the participants in the Northern Ecuadorian study. The current findings also showed that a sizeable proportion of the participants (25.7%) had misconceptions about the mode transmission of CL, citing housefly bites and autoinfection as possible causes. This finding is in agreement with that reported for the Hail region in Saudi Arabia, where the majority of the participants exhibited misunderstandings about the transmission of CL [26]. However, a better level of knowledge about CL transmission was reported by studies undertaken in Nepal, Brazil and Iran [17, 27–29]. This variation in the knowledge level between countries could be related to sociocultural factors. It is also important to point out that the transmission cycle of Leishmania has particular features that differ from one endemic area to another according to the geoclimatic conditions of the study area. Hence, the extrapolation of data from one region to another is not recommended.
In the current study, the majority of the participants believed that CL is curable and about one third of the participants thought that CL is treated by herbal preparations and mentioned some traditional plants that are used to cure CL. Worryingly, some other participants recommended the application of harmful acids on lesions as a treatment for CL. These findings showed that there was a poor level of knowledge among the local community regarding the usage of modern treatment strategies. This could be a consequence of the collapse of the public health system due to the ongoing armed conflict [13]. As regards knowledge about personal preventive measures such as wearing long-sleeved clothing, using mesh over windows, and using bed nets or repellents was poor. In contrast, KAP surveys conducted in Pakistan, Ecuador and Syria revealed that local communities were aware of the preventive measures they needed to take against CL [20, 25, 30]. This knowledge was acquired from governmental mass media campaigns against vector-borne diseases including dengue, malaria and CL, whereas in Yemen the only control programme, which only targets malaria, is largely paralysed due to the civil war.
With regard to attitude towards CL, the majority of the participants believed that CL is a serious disease and that it is more dangerous than malaria. This attitude could most likely be a consequence of the high endemicity of CL and the chronicity of the associated lesions that result in disfiguring scars. Such scars lead to serious psychological and social suffering including stigma, social exclusion and mental distress [4]. Overall, the participants involved in the current study had a negative attitude towards CL. This could be a direct consequence of a lack of access to information about CL. Unfortunately, a negative attitude may lead to a delay in seeking treatment and in the case of CL may in turn lead to complications such as deep tissue damage, secondary infections, mutilating scars and negative psychological impact.
Most of the participants in the current study were able to identify sand flies. Locally, the sand fly is named Hass (painful-biting dipteran) and Katem Sout (silent dipteran). The ability of the participants to identify this dipteran may be due to many of them living in close proximity to domestic animals and in poor housing conditions both of which are suitable environments for the breeding of sand flies. However, although the participants were able to identify and differentiate sand flies from other flies, a significant proportion of the participants did not know about the role played by the phlebotomine sand fly in the transmission of CL. Also, the majority of the participants did not have correct knowledge about the peak season of transmission, the locations of sand fly breeding sites, the biting time or control methods. A previous survey in Isfahan, Iran reported that 89.8% of the participants knew about the role of the sand fly as a vector for CL but only 13.9% had enough information on the criteria by which to differentiate sand flies from other flies [19].
Overall, the findings of the current study revealed that the rural community in Taiz governorate had poor knowledge and attitude towards CL and its sand fly vector. Interestingly, however, participants aged over 40 years had a better level of knowledge about CL compared to those aged 18–40 years. This could be attributed to the gaining of increased experience over time in respect of personal infection and/or seeing other people infected with CL. Moreover, the findings indicated that males had better knowledge about CL compared to females, which could be explained by the fact that males are more likely to be infected with CL as compared to females in the study area [10] and in the northwestern region [7]. However, the association between sex and knowledge about CL was not retained in the multivariate analysis. On the other hand, the findings also showed that female participants had a better level of knowledge about the sand fly vector compared to their male counterparts. In rural Yemen, including the study area, humans live in close contact with animals as the ground floor of dwellings are traditionally occupied by animals especially cows and some households also have space for sheep within or near the dwelling, and such conditions provide favourable breeding sites for sand flies. Women are primarily responsible for animal husbandry activities, thus they are expected to be more familiar with the presence of sand flies as compared to men. Also, although the variable occupation was not retained in the multivariate analysis, farmers were also found to have significantly better knowledge about sand flies compared to students and employees. However, those farmers did not know the role of sand flies in the transmission of CL.
The overall poor level of knowledge revealed by this study could most likely be a direct consequence of this disease being neglected by health policymakers and public health professionals and a lack of priority being given to the implementation of control measures. The situation also became more complicated in 2010 due to the Arab Spring movement and the ensuing political crisis. Since March 2015, the armed conflict in the country has led to the destruction of 55% of the healthcare infrastructure, which has had a hugely adverse impact on the implementation of control measures and on immunisation coverage [13]. Unfortunately, the ongoing civil unrest has resulted in the re-emergence and outbreak of several infectious diseases including dengue [31], diphtheria [32] and cholera [33]. Taiz, the area of interest to this study, is one of the Yemeni governorates experiencing continuous armed confrontations. It is strongly affected by the civil unrest which has led to the total collapse of the health system in the governorate.
In light of the above, this study is timely in that it is the first to provide detailed information about knowledge and attitude towards CL and its vector among the Yemeni population, specifically in Taiz. However, it should be noted that this study has some limitations that should be considered when interpreting the findings. First, as this study was cross-sectional rather than interventional, this does not allow causal inference. Second, the lack of previous investigations on awareness towards CL and CL-related stigma in Yemen prevented the comparison and evaluation of the findings with those of other relevant studies. Hence, while the findings of this study might be generalisable to all of the rural communities in the Taiz governorate that are known to be endemic for CL, further studies may be required to confirm this conjecture.