Socio-productive characterization of Mapuche and non-Mapuche campesinos
A total of 60 campesinos (48 women and 12 men) were interviewed of whom 76.7% were Mapuche and 23.3% were non-Mapuche. Out of the interviewees, 58.3% were seniors (≥60 years), 40% were adults (30-59 years), and 1.7% were young people (15-29 years). Three-quarters (75%) were receiving advice through government programs. The area used by interviewees for their different agrosilvopastoral tasks averaged 9.8 hectares (mode of 2 ha). The most frequent types of production - that is, the animals farmed by the largest number of campesinos interviewed - were poultry (96.7%), sheep (93.3%), and cattle (65%) while horses (33.3%), pigs (28.3%), and goats (8.3%) were less common. As regards the members of the family nucleus responsible for each activity, women were mainly in charge of poultry (72.9%), goats (60%), and sheep (44.6%), for which spaces around the home are used during the day and, at night, barns, sheds, or coops (Figure 2). Men were primarily responsible for horses (90%), cattle (43.6%), and pigs (52.9%) (Figure 2). Horses are kept in areas around the home because they serve as a means of transport while cattle are raised in grazing sites in the mountains, on rented grassland, and on summer pastures (movement of the herd to mountain areas during the summer for grazing and mating). Pigs are raised both near the home and further away.
Ethnoveterinary knowledge and practices for animal management
Our results indicate the existence of a body of knowledge or corpus of the following types: atmospheric (temperature, photoperiod, winds, periods of rain); astronomical (lunar phases); biological (plant and animal species); eco-geographic (landscape and vegetation units); and about the hydrosphere (water courses) and the lithosphere (soil characteristics). This corpus, grouped into the different seasons of the year, is used to plan 14 practices or praxis related to the raising of cattle, sheep, goats, horses, pigs, and poultry (Table 1). The main practices mentioned by interviewees are described below.
TABLE 1
Supplementary feeding. This praxis is organized based on the corpus represented by lower grassland productivity, snow on the mountains, and the availability of shrubs and/or trees for feeding animals. Its frequency was measured as the number of mentions of the practice by type of production species. It is employed by 94.9% of the campesinos who breed cattle (frequency = 37), by 98.2% of those who breed sheep (frequency = 55), and by 100% of those who breed horses (frequency = 20) and goats (frequency = 5). It consists of feeding cattle, sheep, horses, and goats with bales of fodder, harvested on the same property or purchased from neighbors and/or external suppliers during the summer. Supplementary feeding with grains and/or concentrate is used mainly for horses, pregnant ewes, and thin cattle. These supplements are acquired from external suppliers and/or as benefits for campesinos registered with government programs. Interviewees indicated a preference for supplementing with oats, rather than concentrate, given the versatility of oats as feed for different species as well as its effect on the animals, as reported by one interviewee: “The concentrate makes the sheep’s babies develop a lot and then they have trouble giving birth; the same happens with cows, that’s why oats are better” (man, 74 years). We also identified practices applied in specific cases. For example, when campesinos do not have the economic resources to buy feed, they collect bamboo (Chusquea spp.) and branches of the palo trébol tree (Dasyphyllum diacanthoides). Another practice mentioned was that, when nursing ewes are very thin and have difficulty producing milk, they are given chupilca, a drink made of water, wheat flour, and sugar. As a complement, salt is also added to cattle and sheep feeders, although some campesinos prefer to use mineral blocks, obtained through government programs and/or from agricultural suppliers.
Sheep shearing. The corpus related to the presence of the seeds of the trune (Acaena ovalifolia) and pimpinela (Acaena pinnatifida) is used to plan the shearing season by 17.9% of the campesinos who raise sheep (frequency = 10). They schedule this praxis for late November or early December, a timing that prevents the seeds from adhering to the wool and rendering it unusable for spinning and weaving, as mentioned by one interviewee: “November is best for shearing because the pimpinela doesn’t stick to the wool. Because when the pimpinela is mature, the wool can’t even be spun; it’s all lost” (woman, 70 years). During this period, higher temperatures also cause heat stress in the sheep, making them eat less and affecting their well-being and productivity.
Summer grazing. The corpus represented by higher temperatures, a decrease in the productivity of grasslands, reproductive cycles and vegetation units in mountain landscapes organizes this transhumance praxis. It is used by 41% of the campesinos who farm cattle (frequency = 16). The animals are left on their summer pastures until April-May when they are brought down to winter pastures or places closer to the owner’s home. During the summer, the herd is visited intermittently by its owners or those responsible for it, who are mostly men. Summer grazing means that the animals have access to different forage species, unlimited water sources, and trees for shelter, as indicated by one interviewee: “The animal grows healthier in the mountains than anywhere else… because it drinks good water… when the calves are brought down, they look like fat little barrels, because the cow produces good milk, because she eats good herbs” (man, 85 years). In their summer grazing, the animals have access to functional forage - or, in other words, food that is perceived as positive for animal health and yield - as well as medicinal forage, that is, food eaten while foraging that prevents and cures diseases [10]. The campesinos perceive that the animals prefer to graze in mallínes, a type of wetland meadow, where they have access to functional types of forage (Figure 3). The medicinal forage mentioned includes paramela (Adesmia boronioides) and quinchamalium (Quinchamalium chilense), herbs with therapeutic properties that are part of the Mapuche medicinal repertoire.
Castration. This practice consists in removing the testicles of cattle destined to become steers or oxen and of pigs for fattening. The corpus related to the presence of a waning moon determines the appropriate moment for this praxis and is taken into account by 41% of the campesinos with cattle (frequency = 16) and 35.3% of those with pigs (frequency = 6). The waning moon is associated with a decrease in body fluids, as indicated in the following account: “When the moon is finishing its waning, the animals are castrated, because they bleed less; when the moon is waxing, they bleed a lot” (woman, 73 years). In this way, hemorrhages are avoided and clotting and healing are facilitated.
Sheep mating. This corpus is related to the decrease in daylight hours, the characteristics of sheep’s reproductive cycle, and lower temperatures. Mating, using a ram previously separated from the flock, takes place in April and/or May, as indicated in the following account: “I learned from the elders who separated the ram, they mate in early May so birth is in October” (man, 75 years) (Figure 3). The separation of the ram is practiced by 48.2% of the campesinos with sheep (frequency = 27), scheduling lambing for a time of year when more forage is available and the weather is better.
Putting ash in chicken coops. This praxis is used by 45.8% of campesino women who keep poultry (frequency = 27). It consists of putting piles of ash from wood-burning stoves or fireplaces inside the chicken coop, as explained by the following interviewee: “I put ash in the chicken coops so they roll in it and get rid of bed bugs” (woman, 68 years). This corpus is related to the presence of different hematophagous arthropod-type ectoparasites such as the bed bug (Cimex lectularius) and the red mite (Dermanyssus gallinae) that infest birds, causing economic losses due to a reduction in egg laying, weight loss in the chickens, and, in severe cases, even their death.
Ethnoveterinary knowledge and practices for health management
Our results identify a corpus represented by 30 plant species from 24 botanical families with therapeutic potential for preventing and treating diseases in cattle, sheep, goats, horses, pigs, and poultry. In most botanical families, only one species was identified, except for Asteraceae, Rosaceae, Lauraceae, Proteaceae, Santalaceae, and Cunoniaceae of which there are two species (Table 2). The species identified are mostly of native origin (21 species; 70%; Table 2). The main group are herbs (15 species; 50%), followed by trees (10 species; 33.3%) and shrubs (5 species; 16.7%; Table 2). The plant parts most frequently mentioned are leaves (52.9%), roots (14.7%), bark (11.8%), seeds (8.8%), branches (5.9%), bulbs (2.9%), and stems (2.9%).
TABLE 2
The techniques used to prepare the treatments are decoction (41.9%), crushing (23.3%), infusion (14%), direct administration (11.6%), drying leaves (2.3%), heating stems (2.3%), soaking seeds (2.3%), and burning tree bark (2.3%). For decoction, infusion, and soaking, the solvent used is water to which, depending on the disease in question, ash, soot, sugar, and/or salt may be added. The preparations are administered orally (76.5%), topically (17.6%), ophthalmically (2.9%), or as smoke (2.9%).
We identified seven categories of symptoms and diseases (Table 3). The systemic infections category groups together diseases caused by different etiological agents. Their symptoms are a fever and general unwellness, with the latter also referred to as achaque or tristeza (sadness) in the animal. The diarrhea category includes conditions commonly known as empacho (indigestion) or churreta (the runs). Placental retention is the failure to deliver the afterbirth and is also known locally as ‘no botar pares’. The parasites category includes infestation with internal and external parasites while the mastitis category refers to the symptoms associated with udder inflammation in ruminants. Finally, the keratoconjunctivitis category includes diseases that cause blindness or cloudy eye in ruminants. The categories of wounds (ICF = 0.91) and parasites (ICF = 0.90) have the highest values, suggesting common use of the species included in these groups, due probably to their cultural importance and bioactive potential (Table 3).
Ethnoveterinary system of beliefs
We identify a system of beliefs closely linked to the Mapuche kosmos, which is expressed in participation in the Nguillatun ceremony as well as in the daily way of inhabiting the territory. The Nguillatun (Nguillatu = ask; n = action) is a supplication held every two to three years by Mapuche communities in which a connection with the Wenu Mapu (highlands) is established. In this way, dual energies are balanced through supplication and thanksgiving to Ngentechen (God), begging for different living manifestations, as reported by an interviewee: “We ask for everything, for health, the harvests, for this illness that is around, for the animals” (woman, 81 years). This reflects an integrative vision that takes into account the welfare of all the beings that inhabit the earth, maintaining balance and, therefore, well-being. Despite the importance attributed to the Nguillatun, not all the Mapuche campesinos interviewed participated in it, due to factors such as loss of the tradition because of the death of ancestors, distance from the places where the ceremony takes place, and, in some sectors, a larger proportion of young people, who do not identify with it. Non-Mapuche campesinos living in neighboring sectors indicated that they were aware of the ceremony but did not take part in it because they did not feel Mapuche. The presence of Catholic and Evangelical churches in the territory indicates the existence of a system of beliefs linked to these religions. Members of Mapuche communities may identify with Catholicism while remaining Mapuche. By contrast, Evangelical churches seek to replace traditional Mapuche beliefs and ceremonies [46].
When referring to their way of life, Mapuche campesinos recount how, in their daily praxis, they ask permission from the ngen (the caretakers or owners of places) when, for example, they go into a wood or up a mountain, when livestock is going to be moved, or when crossing an estuary. This practice was described by an interviewee: “Because when you enter land that you have never stepped on before, you ask for permission, or when you enter a small stream and go by that stream, you ask for that water and wet your hand because all those things have their ngen, that’s why one has to ask permission. One says, ‘I am going to enter this land today and may all the ngen accompany me’ and you enter calmly” (woman, 71 years). This corresponds to the Az Mapu (customs of our land) or the norms that order reciprocity or, in other words, the space where it is possible to achieve exchange in order to maintain the dual balances existing in the kosmos and, therefore, harmony [47]. In this way, the Az Mapu establishes a framework of behavior that is inextricably linked to how animals are raised and is the kosmos dimension of ethnoveterinary knowledge and practices.
In the case of health management, it is important to bear in mind that, for the Mapuche, the different plant species are manifestations of life that have a pullu (soul) and are governed by a set of rules that determine their use because each plant has a higher owner [35]. In this way, the Az Mapu remains present in ethnoveterinary knowledge and practices, establishing principles based on asking for permission and reciprocity when using a plant species, as described by an interviewee: “One asks for permission, one says ‘excuse me’ because I’m going to take this remedy and hopefully it goes well ... permission is asked for all the remedies that one looks for in the countryside ... you have to have faith that it will do you good; otherwise, it won’t do anything” (woman, 71 years). Other interviewees also mentioned the importance of having faith in the effectiveness of the plant species and planning for which illness it is to be used. We observed that, for non-Mapuche campesinos, the praxis of obtaining a plant species, for use either in humans or animals, takes place in a framework of respect and trust. This can be attributed to the deep-rooted traditions around plant species that exist in the territory where practices are shared, due to the proximity of farms, the human relationships that are generated, and the distance from shopping centers and/or medical centers.
Finally, the notion of kosmos is behind the Mapuche conception of illness, as expressed by one interviewee: “That we get sick, that animals get sick, is something natural, it’s something that’s included in our nature” (woman, 53 years). It is important that illness is seen as part of the inherent duality of being on earth. In this way, both the use of plant species and the Nguillatun contribute to living and acting in equilibrium, in a context marked by constant destabilizing influences. However, this does not preclude attributing illness in animals to human behavior in the form of polluting praxis such as the accumulation of waste and the use of agrochemicals, a perception shared by both Mapuche and non-Mapuche campesinos.
Factors influencing current use of traditional veterinary medicine
Our results indicate that factors associated with agricultural modernization processes, reductions and changes in the structure of land ownership, and climate change are affecting current use of traditional veterinary medicine (TVM). They imply the assimilation of new practices and hybridization as well as TVM’s adaptation, maintenance, and/or loss. In the case of animal management, modernization is visible in the introduction of technological packages of hybrid seeds and chemical and/or agrochemical fertilizers. These products, introduced through extensionist government programs, are intended to establish pastures for animal supplementation and field clearing as recounted by one interviewee: “INDAP [an extensionist government program] brought the chemicals. We were implementing a project and it was going to buy so much seed and so much fertilizer… but that was the evil that was put in the ground, because now it doesn’t produce natural grass, just weeds” (woman, 55 years). Agricultural modernization is also seen in the introduction and assimilation of new energy feed for animals such as concentrate. Interviewees talked about how feed acquired from agricultural suppliers is produced with conventional methods that use technological packages: “The old men of the farm apply so much fertilizer and chemicals so that the land produces all it can. And it turns out that the grain comes with a lot of chemicals. And, with that, you feed the animals, you eat the animals, and it gets to you” (man, 46 years).
In the case of health management, agricultural modernization is reflected in the introduction and assimilation of allopathic medicine. In our study, 70% of interviewees were using exclusively allopathic management in the form of antiparasitics, vaccines, antibiotics, and vitamins; 14% were applying mixed management, combining TVM with allopathic management; 11% were using only TVM; and 5% were not using any treatment at all.
Reductions and changes in the structure of land ownership are influencing the expression of animal and health management. The more limited space available for keeping animals has led to a reduction in the different species of animals and, in some cases, their elimination, as reported by one interviewee: “Almost no one here has cows now. Because people sold land and it got smaller… if you walk down, you see houses on the different sides… there isn’t space for raising [animals] any more” (woman, 70 years). When it is necessary to eliminate cattle, the new generations lose a space for praxis and, with it, the associated ethnoveterinary knowledge, practices, and beliefs. In addition, the change in the structure of land ownership restricts rotation and the movement of livestock between the mountains and grasslands traditionally used for grazing, increasing dependence on external sources of feed in the form of rented pastureland and/or the purchase of fodder.
In health management, changes in the structure of land ownership have impeded access to places where therapeutic plant species grow, as explained by one interviewee: “Now I don’t go to collect the palo santo I used to collect higher up, without any restrictions ... I would go through a couple of fences and that was it ... no longer, because there are locked gates, you can’t go into someone else’s place” (woman, 53 years). Similarly, anthropic intervention of rivers and the urbanization of rural areas have led to the disappearance of plant species used to treat animals. For example, the species known as cow grass (Juncus procerus) was widely used to treat placental retention in ruminants, but is now difficult to find because of the construction of roads where these plants grow.
In the case of animal management, climate change is also affecting the productivity of the fields used to feed animals, as indicated by one interviewee: “It rains less and that is greatly affecting people’s way of life, of working the fields, sowing, because if there is no irrigation and it doesn’t rain, you can’t sow ... the grass doesn’t grow” (woman, 53 years). The decrease in rainfall and the effect on growth of the grass reduce fodder availability, with results that include the assimilation of new animal feeding praxis and hybridization and, in extreme cases, a reduction in livestock. Similarly, in the case of health management, climate change is affecting the availability of therapeutic plant species as reported by one interviewee: “The climate itself must have hidden some medicines. There are many medicines that have disappeared… And these mountain ranges had them” (woman, 69 years). Interviewees also noted that high temperatures make animals more prone to diseases and external parasitisms due, for example, to an increase in the presence of horn fly (Haematobia irritans) in cattle.