Introduction
Figure 1 presents the flowchart of the search, while Table 1 and 2 present summaries of the 27 articles that were included in the review.
Table 1
Summary of studies by intervention(s) and country
WHO African Region | Country | Number of studies | Type of intervention | First Author(s) |
Eastern Africa | Malawi | 1 | IPTp | Yoder et al., [2015] |
Tanzania | 1 | IPTp and Malaria testing and treatment | Mutagonda et al., [2012] |
Tanzania | 1 | IPTp | Mubyazi [215] |
Tanzania | 1 | IPTp | Mubyazi and Bloch [2010] |
Uganda | 2 | IPTp | Rassi et al., [2016] Rassi et al., [2016] |
Uganda | 1 | LLINs | Taremwa et al., [2017] |
Multi country studies | Kenya, Malawi & Ghana | 1 | IPTp & LLINs | Pell et al., [2013] |
Kenya &Mali | 1 | IPTp, ITNs, and Malaria testing and treatment | Hill et al., [2015] |
Western Africa | Ghana | 3 | LLINs | Aberese‑Ako et al., [2019] Manu et al., [2017] Quist and Adomah-Afari [2017] |
Ghana | 3 | IPTp | Aberese-Ako et al., [2020] Aberese-Ako et al., [2021] Doku et al., [2018] |
Mali | 3 | IPTp | Chukwuocha et al., [2010] Hurley et al., [2016] Klein et al., [2016] Webster et a., [2013] |
Nigeria | 1 | LLINs | |
Nigeria | 2 | IPTp & LLINs | Nyaaba et al., [2021] Onyeneho et al., [2015] |
Nigeria | 4 | IPTp | Diala et al., [2012] Diala et al., [2013] Onoka et al., [2012] Onoka et al., [2012] |
Southern Africa | Mozambique | 1 | IPTp | Arnaldo et al., [2019] |
Mozambique | 1 | IPTp & LLINs | Boene et al., [2014] |
Total | | 27 | | |
Table 2
Summary of studies included in the synthesis
First author & year | Objectives | Study population | Type of intervention | Country | Methods and analysis | Themes |
Aberese‑Ako et al., [2019] | To understand health system, socio‑cultural, economic and environmental dynamics in utilization of LLINs among pregnant women in two Ghanaian regions. | Pregnant women Health care providers, opinion leaders | LLINs | Ghana | Ethnography using observations, informal conversations and IDIs. QSR Nvivo was used to support data coding. Data were triangulated and analysed thematically. | Health systems, Individual, Socio-cultural and Environmental |
Aberese-Ako et al., [2020] | This ethnographic study explored how health care managers dealt with existing MiP policy implementation challenges and the consequences on IPTp‑SP uptake and access to maternal health care. | Health managers, health providers, pregnant women, National Health Insurance Authority officials | IPTp-SP | Ghana | Ethnography using non‑participant observations, conversations, in‑depth interviews and case studies in eight health facilities and 12 communities for 12 months in two administrative regions in Ghana. Grounded theory analysis and data coded with support of QSR Nvivo. | Health system, Individual |
Aberese-Ako et al., [2021] | ethnographic study explored how health system, individual and socio-cultural factors influence IPTp-SP uptake in two Ghanaian regions | Pregnant women, health providers, opinion leaders | IPTp-SP | Ghana | case studies and in-depth interviews in 8 health facilities and 8 communities in two Ghanaian regions. | Health system, Individual, Socio-cultural |
Arnaldo et al., [2019] | Explored factors limiting access to and use of IPTp-SP rural Mozambique | 46 Pregnant women 4 Health workers | IPTp-SP | Mozambique | Semi-structured interviews with pregnant women, and health workers in a rural area of southern Mozambique. Data were transcribed, manually coded, and thematic analysis was done. | Health system, Individual |
Boene et al., [2014] | To describe pregnant women’s perceptions of malaria, barriers to effective interventions and recommendations on effective interventions to prevent malaria infections | 85 pregnant women | IPTp-SP, LLINs | Mozambique | Mixed methods: observations, IDIs and focused ethnographic exercises (Free-listing and Pairwise comparisons) Thematic analysis. Data from focused ethnographic exercises were summarized into frequency distribution tables and matrices. | Individual |
Chukwuocha et al., [2010] | To assess perceptions on the use of LLINs and its implications in preventing malaria in pregnancy | Pregnant women, adolescent girls, non-pregnant women and men between 20–50 years old. Opinion leaders, local government officials, elderly midwives, retired women leaders, drug shop owners, traditional birth attendants. | LLINs | Nigeria | FGDs, IDIs key informant interviews and structured questionnaires. No method of data analysis mentioned nor described in the main text | Individual, Socio-cultural |
Diala et al., [2012] | Examined social, cultural, and economic factors that serve as barriers to malaria treatment for pregnant women and possible factors to IPTp2 uptake in two Nigerian states. | Women who had ever accessed ANC and MiP care, husbands or partners of women and health workers providing ANC and care for malaria in pregnancy | IPTp-SP | Nigeria | In-depth interviews, focus group discussions | Health system, Socio-cultural, Individual |
Diala et al., [2013] | Perspectives of pregnant women and ANC providers on real and perceived barriers to IPTp-SP adherence | Community-based and facility-based maternal health care providers, women of reproductive age and their husbands | IPTp-SP | Nigeria | Socio-ecological model, cross-sectional study, focus group discussions and in-depth interviews Used Atlas ti software for analysis, coded using a framework and thematic analysis | Individual, Socio-cultural, Environmental. |
Doku et al., [2018] | Pregnant women, health workers and health managers | To investigate factors contributing to high dropout rate between IPT1 and IPT3 in the Tamale Metropolis of Ghana | IPTp-SP | Ghana | Survey, short ethnographic techniques employing IDIs and non-participant observation Ethnographic techniques and content analysis. | Health system, Individual |
Hill et al., [2015] | Explored the delivery, access and use of interventions to control malaria in pregnancy. | Non-pregnant women aged 15–49 years, pregnant women, mothers of children aged < 1year and adolescent men. | LLINs, IPTp-SP Testing and treating malaria in pregnancy | Kenya, Mali | Focus group discussions Content analysis | Health system, Socio-cultural, Individual |
Hurley et al., [2016] | To identify factors contributing to low uptake of intermittent preventive treatment of malaria in pregnancy with sulfadoxine-pyrimethamine (IPTp-SP) | Pregnant women | IPTp-SP | Mali | Secondary data analysis on Mali’s2012–2013 Demographic and Health Survey (DHS). IDIs, FGDs and ANC observations in six rural sites. Descriptive coding supported by ATLAS.ti | Health system, Individual |
Klein et al., [2016] | Explored perceptions and experiences of IPTp-SP cost in Mali and its impact on uptake | Pregnant women, husbands, mothers-in-law and health workers | IPTp-SP | Mali | IDIs, FGDs, ANC observations and record reviews at health centres. Topical coding supported by ATLAS.ti (version 7) | Health system Socio-cultural |
Manu et al., [2017] | Explored factors associated with LLIN use among pregnant women in the middle belt f Ghana | Women who had delivered six months prior to the study | LLINs | Ghana | Used IDIs and FGDs Thematic analysis of major themes put into a matrix for interpretation. | Health system Individual Socio-cultural |
Mubyazi [2015] | Assessed knowledge, perceptions of antenatal care (ANC) services and actually delivered services and reasons for seeking ANC including intermittent presumptive treatment during pregnancy (IPTp-SP) against malaria | Pregnant women | IPTp-SP | Tanzania | Quantitative and qualitative techniques were employed, involving interviews with ANC clients, informal communications with health care workers, FGDs with mothers of young children, and intertemporal observations. | Health system Individual Socio-cultural |
Mubyazi and Bloch [2010] | Described the experience and perceptions of pregnant women about costs and cost barriers to accessing ANC services with emphasis on IPTp-SP in rural Tanzania | Pregnant women and mothers with infants | LLINs IPTp-SP | Tanzania | FGDs and IDIs. Manually coded using qualitative content analysis | Health system Environment Individual |
Mutagonda et al., [2012] | To assess the knowledge and awareness of pregnant women regarding the use of IPTp-SP and artemether-lumefantrine (ALu) for treatment MiP | Pregnant women | IPTp-SP Testing and treating MiP | Tanzania | Mixed method FGDs conducted with 46 pregnant women Qualitative data analysis not reported in the paper | Health system Individual |
Nyaaba et al., [2021] | Explored factors influencing poor uptake of IPTp-SP and use of ITNs in lower socioeconomic communities in Nigeria. | Traditional birth attendants, faith-based birth attendants, health care providers. | IPTp-SP LLINs | Nigeria | Semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders and focus group discussions with multi- and first-time pregnant women. Thematic approach was used in data analysis with the initial coding framework generated in QRS Nvivo | Health system Socio-cultural, |
Onoka et al., [2012] | Examined the influence of demand side factors on IPTp-SP coverage | Women 15–49 years, who had delivered live babies during the previous year. | IPTp-SP | Nigeria | FGDs Content analysis was used to generate common themes | Socio-cultural Individual |
Onoka et al., [2012] | Heads of maternal health units of 28 public and six private health facilities offering antenatal care (ANC) services in two districts in south-east Nigeria. A checklist was used to check the availability of SP and water, review of facility staff registers to ascertain the number of health providers | Explored provider factors affecting the delivery of IPTp-SP | IPTp-SP | Nigeria | IDIs and information from checklist coded thematically. No software mentioned | Health system Individual |
Onyeneho et al., [2015] | Identified perceptions and attitudes towards sleeping under LLINs and uptake of recommended doses of IPTp-SP. | Health workers and mothers who delivered within 6 months preceding the study, grandmothers and fathers of children born within 6 months preceding the study | LLINs IPTp-SP | Nigeria | A cross-sectional study in three local government areas. IDIs and FGDs. Thematic coding and Atlas.ti software was used in managing the data. | Health system Individual |
Pell et al., [2013] | Provided insight into the social and cultural context to the uptake of interventions for malaria prevention and control in four sites within three countries | Pregnant women with pregnant women, their relatives, opinion leaders, other community members and health providers | LLINs IPTp-SP | Ghana, Kenya, Malawi | IDIs and group interviews. Observations at health facilities and in local communities Atlas.ti was used to support coding | Health system Socio-cultural Individual Environmental |
Quist and Adomah-Afari [2017] | Explore how socio-cultural beliefs and practices influence knowledge, attitude and perception of LLIN use in the control of malaria amongst pregnant women attending antenatal clinic. | Pregnant women | LLINs | Ghana | Interviews and documentary review. NVivo, framework analysis was applied to classify emerging themes and the findings interpreted using the health belief model. | Individual |
Rassi et al., [2016] | Assessed demand side barriers to accessibility, affordability and acceptability of IPTp-SP intervention. | District health officials, health workers, women who attended antenatal care and opinion leaders | IPTp-SP | Uganda | IDIs, Thematic analysis | Individual Socio-cultural Environmental |
Rassi et al., [2016] | This study assessed supply-side barriers (health service provider), which impede IPTp-SP uptake in Uganda especially among women who attend ANC. | District health officials, health workers, women attending antenatal care and opinion leaders | IPTp-SP | Uganda | Document and record review in four health centres IDIs Used QSR NVivo to support thematic data coding and analysis. | Health system |
Taremwa et al., [2017] | Explored knowledge, attitude, and behaviour towards the use of LLINs as a nightly malaria prevention strategy for pregnant women and children | Pregnant women and caregivers of children under five years old. Local council leaders, district health inspectors, religious leaders, health workers and members of village health teams (VHTs). | LLINs | Uganda | Mixed methods. Qualitative aspect involved conducting key informant interviews. Thematic content analysis. Manually analysed. | Socio-cultural Individual |
Webster et al., [2013] | To explain quantitative data from a related study which identified ineffective processes in the delivery of IPTp-SP and LLINS in one district in Mali | Health workers at the national, regional, district and health facility levels | IPTp-SP | Mali | In-depth interviews with health workers at the national, regional, district and health facility levels Thematic coding using content analysis | Health system |
Yoder et al., [2015] | Examined the experiences of nurses and midwives in providing antenatal care (ANC) services. | Health care providers | IPTp-SP | Malawi | Interviews with a semi-structured interview guide Content analysis | Health System |
Factors that motivated the utilisation of MiP interventions and factors that demotivated women from utilizing MiP interventions were grouped into four sub themes (health system, individual, socio-cultural and environmental. Figure 2 provides a summary of different factors under each of the four sub-themes that can motivate pregnant women to access MiP interventions. The figure also presents the different factors under the four themes that can negatively influence pregnant women’s access to MiP interventions. The detailed results are presented in the rest of the section.
Motivation in MiP intervention utilization
Factors that positively influenced pregnant women or enabled them to access testing and treatment for malaria, access to or use of LLINs or facilitated access to IPTp-SP were identified as motivators. They were categorised under one of the four sub-themes: health system, individual, socio-cultural and environmental, which have been presented in the subsequent sub sections.
Health system factors motivating utilization of MiP care
Several studies reported that well organised ANC procedures and the enforcement of directly observed therapy (DOT) motivated women to take IPTp-SP. It was further noted that in such situations even women who complained of side-effects still took it [46, 57, 64, 65]. The provision of drugs, LLINs and health workers exhibiting positive attitudes motivated women to attend ANC regularly. Such women also encouraged others to begin ANC early in Nigeria [24, 60] and Uganda [49, 50]. However, the stated studies noted that once women took LLINs or if there was a shortage of LLINs, women stopped attending ANC [24, 49, 50]. Also, the free distribution of IPTp and LLINs to women motivated uptake in Ghana, Mozambique and Nigeria [3, 17, 56, 63].
Webster et al., [65], Yoder et al., [46] and Aberese-Ako et al., [57] reported that sensitizing and encouraging women on the need to take IPTp and making water available to them at the ANC motivated women to take SP. When women received explanation on the relevance of taking SP and other medications from health workers, they became motivated to take them, even for those who experienced mild side-effects and would otherwise have refused to take SP and other drugs [49]. Additionally, effective communication with health providers regarding the next scheduled visit and the number of doses of IPTp-SP required motivated some women to honour scheduled visits to enable them to take all the required doses [57].
Trust in the health care system compared to chemists and other sources motivated women to take IPTp-SP, even when complaining of side effects [64]. Women’s high trust in health care providers and health facilities motivated them to take their anti-malarial treatment even when they were not sure of the dosage and did not like the bitter taste [24, 49, 61]. Some women had experienced positive effects of regular visits to the ANC in previous pregnancies, resulting in the building of trust in the health care system, which motivated them to return to the ANC in subsequent pregnancies as well as adhere to all the care offered them [56].
Individual factors motivating attendance to ANC and utilisation of MiP interventions
The key motivation for women to attend ANC, was to have their pregnancy monitored and managed with the hope that it will lead to healthier pregnancies and babies and reduce the risk of complications at delivery [3, 24, 48, 49, 53, 63, 66]. A respondent in an interview stated: “… because I felt I must take care of myself and the baby to ensure that both of us are healthy” [49:7]. Other reasons for ANC attendance was to avoid reprimand, since women who did not attend ANC at least once risked being sent away by midwives, even if they came with complications at delivery [24, 48, 53, 66].
Other motivations for attending ANC were to receive drugs including IPTp-SP and to have laboratory tests done for HIV and malaria [24, 63]. Respondents perceived that preventing the onset of malaria saved money compared to treatment of the illness once it had progressed [53]. Mubyazi [48], reported that in Tanzania women who attended ANC were motivated by the desire to receive a price discounted LLIN voucher early, to enable them protect themselves against mosquito bites, which could result in malaria.
Onoka et al., [62], Nyaaba et al., [3] and Aberese-Ako et al., [57] noted that women who were personally motivated or had knowledge on the effects of malaria in pregnancy did not mind the price of IPTp-SP and malarial treatment drugs. Such women were always ready to take it, because they believed that it was good for them and their babies. Arnaldo et al, [63] also reported that women felt drugs were good for them and their babies. Additionally, Aberese-Ako et al., [57] reported that women who were gainfully employed accessed MiP interventions.
Manu et al., [54] and Quist and Adomah-Afari [55] noted that knowing that LLINs protected the mother and the unborn baby from malaria and other health problems associated with non-use, motivated use in Ghana. Nyaaba et al., [3], found that a high perception of the seriousness of the effect of malaria in pregnancy, belief that usage of LLINs was beneficial to mothers and children through the prevention of malaria and a high awareness that the prevention of malaria was a cheaper option than treatment motivated women to use it. Taremwa et al., [51] and Quist and Adomah-Afari [55] found that motivation for using LLINs was based on women’s personal experiences and community members’ experiences of the positive effect of using LLINs.
Socio-cultural factors motivating women
Gender power relations within the household played an important role in women's utilisation of maternal health care services. This is because, husbands made decisions on whether wives should seek medical care [24]. Additionally, husbands encouraged wives to access ANC and MiP interventions. Some husbands felt it was their duty to exercise power over their wives by compelling or encouraging them to commence ANC attendance early, to seek health care and to comply with prescribed medications as well as to use LLINs regularly [17, 24, 60, 66].
Husbands who knew that their wives could obtain treatment from the health facility encouraged them to attend ANC and offered them financial support to enable them pay for transport and other ANC charges [24, 56]. Husbands encouraged their wives to take their medications, reminded them to honour scheduled ANC visits and others helped to monitor their wives’ health. Some husbands also accompanied their wives to the ANC or asked a female relative to accompany them. Other forms of support indirectly linked to malaria treatment and prevention in pregnancy were husbands supporting their wives to perform household chores and ensuring that they ate traditionally known healthy diets [24].
Other socio-cultural factors that motivated uptake of MiP interventions were support and encouragement from relatives and friends, the experiences of relatives attending ANC and using LLINs with positive effects and availability of social support from friends and relatives. Sometimes other family members and friends also motivated women to access ANC and MiP services [24, 47, 67]. Close and trusted relatives, friends and neighbours supported pregnant women to visit health facilities, encouraged them to honour ANC appointments and to seek medical help when they were ill [24, 56]. Mother in-laws were very supportive in helping women to negotiate with their husbands to obtain money to access health care in Mali [58].
Also, friends served as social support and interactions between them influenced decisions to seek care and to manage ailments [24, 56]. A respondent shared her source of motivation in an interview:
“A friend came to visit me. She saw how terribly ill I was. After two days, she came to visit me and she saw my condition had not improved. Therefore, she told me to seek medical attention or she will never visit me again. So, to me she was caring; that was why she advised me” [24:9].
Some friends also accompanied their pregnant friends to the ANC and those who attended ANC provided collective support by sharing of experiences, making new friends at the facilities and encouraging each other to take their medications such as malaria drugs [24, 60]. Women were influenced to use LLINs if they observed in their households that others had benefitted from using them. For instance, pregnant women were motivated to use LLINs if the entire household had not experienced malaria since initiating LLIN use [17, 51].
Environmental factors motivating access of MiP
LLINs were reported to be used more in the rainy season than in the dry season [27, 53]. In rural Mali it was noted that everyone including pregnant women slept under LLINs in order to wade off mosquitoes and to enjoy good night sleep [53]. Manu et al., [54] and Quist and Adomah-Afari [55] equally reported that women were motivated to use LLINs, because they were aware that it helped to wade off mosquitoes and other insects, which ensured that they had a good night’s sleep.
Women who lived in areas close to health facilities were motivated to access ANC care, because they did not have to incur transport costs [9]. Such women accessed maternal health care services including MiP interventions, receiving the optimum doses of IPTp-SP and LLINs on a timely basis.
Demotivation
Factors that contributed negatively or discouraged women from accessing MiP interventions were defined as demotivators. They were categorised under the four sub-themes: health system, individual, socio-cultural and environmental, which have been presented in the sub-sections below.
Health system factors
Stock-out of SP at the national level affected its supply and distribution in health facilities, which demotivated women from accessing ANC service [3, 47, 56, 62]. Stock-outs of SP in health facilities led to health workers prescribing IPTp-SP for women to buy from private pharmacies, contributing to the burden of cost and increase in travel distance for ANC services [3, 56, 62, 67]. In Ghana and Nigeria, health workers admitted that they could not guarantee that women actually bought and took the prescription, since they could not apply DOT in such situations [3, 56]. Another challenge anticipated in Nigeria concerning stock-outs was the fear that women could buy IPTp-SP from unregulated sources [3].
Nyaaba et al., [3], reported that women who attended ANC at private facilities or accessed the services of traditional birth attendants (TBAs) did not receive IPTp-SP and LLINs.
Some women could not pay for some ANC services provided at health facilities. Also, poor women could not afford the cost of subsidized LLINs and transport to the distributing centres [47, 48, 50], which denied them the opportunity to access IPTp-SP, LLINs and other maternal health services. Hurley et al., [67], Aberese-Ako et al., [56] and Nyaaba et al., [3] reported that while the national policy directed that IPTp-SP should be given free of charge, sometimes facilities instituted charges for IPTp-SP, which affected poor women’s ability to access them. Hurley et al., [67] also reported that women were demotivated from accessing SP in Mali, because though SP was free, it was usually added to a long and costly list of prescriptions. Women could not distinguish between the free SP from the long list, so they perceived that ANC was costly and thus, sometimes left the ANC without accessing it. Some facilities charged fees for testing for malaria in pregnancy, which demotivated poor women from accessing MiP services [56].
The shortage of health providers to administer ANC care to women contributed to women’s limited access to ANC and MiP intervention services [47, 62]. Other studies found that the limited number of health care providers resulted in few workers attending to high patient load, which demotivated health providers from providing quality services [47, 62, 63]. Health providers reported that they coped with huge number of patients by offering quick consultation to women without any explanation about the purpose for taking SP. A nurse providing maternal health service stated: "Usually, we are overworked, with much to do.. .. And when the women come for a prenatal
consultation, I often just give the tablets for malaria prevention, sometimes even without
explaining carefully the details" [63:7]. Thus, women were not well informed of the benefits of MiP interventions, which affected uptake. Another consequence of the high patient load was long queues at the ANC leading to long waiting times, which demotivated women from accessing IPTp-SP and other maternal health care services [62, 63].
Whilst women who experienced side effects from previous doses of SP were not given IPTp-SP in some facilities [49, 62], others refused to take SP, because they previously experienced side effects as a result of taking it on empty stomachs. Some health workers were compelled to apply DOT to ensure that such women took it [47, 57]. Hurley et al., [67] and Onoka et al., [62] reported that the misperception that SP should not be taken on an empty stomach, contributed to health workers giving SP to women to go home to take after meals. However, this decision did not guarantee uptake at home.
Onoka et al., [62], found that all the health workers who participated in their study knew the correct drug for IPTp-SP, however majority of them did not know that IPTp-SP was supposed to be given in the second and third trimesters and under DOTs. Health providers gave varied views on the timing of administration of IPTp-SP and only half of them knew the correct strategy for administering IPTp-SP under DOTs. Nyaaba et al., [3] on the other hand, reported that very few health workers enforced DOT. Also, sometimes health workers failed to detect early pregnancy, which prevented them from putting women on IPTp-SP and other ANC services early [48].
Studies in Kenya, Ghana [52, 57], Mozambique [63] and Nigeria [62], indicated that when health workers gave little information or no education to women on IPTp-SP and DOT was not practised, women were not motivated to take SP. Nyaaba et al., [3] found that women when offered IPTp-SP without explanation to take at home did not take the tablets, because they assumed that they were already taking enough drugs. A pregnant woman explained: “I use pregnant care [vitamin supplements]. So I’ll collect it [SP] and leave it at home.. . they don’t say anything about the drugs, so all the drugs given to me are already in pregnant care, which is 2-in-1.. .”[3:8]. Mubyazi [48] and Nyaaba et al., [3] on the other hand noted that women were not motivated to take SP, because the concept of IPTp-SP as a presumptive treatment and not for treatment of malaria was not clear to women. Women raised concerns about taking drugs during pregnancy when they were not sick. Nyaaba et al., [3] also noted that the perception that a pregnant woman should not take drugs when she is not sick demotivated women from taking SP.
Shortage of SP demotivated women from attending ANC and contributed to IPTp-SP dropout rates in Ghana, Nigeria and Tanzania [24, 25, 47, 60]. Additionally, the lack of educational materials such as pamphlets or pictures on MiP to facilitate teaching women about the benefits of IPTp-SP contributed to the lack of knowledge, which did not motivate women to take SP. A maternal and child nurse stated: “Perhaps if we had some illustrative pictures or
images of a person who did not complete [the] treatment, it would be helpful…, because some do not complete the recommended dosage, because they think the tablets are strong [63:7].
A few providers indicated that the failure of their facilities to provide water to women to facilitate the implementation of DOTs demotivated women from taking IPTp-SP [62]. Negative health worker attitudes in ANC clinics demotivated some women from commencing ANC attendance early, resulting in the late uptake of IPTp-SP and some not receiving LLINs early during pregnancy [3, 9, 24, 25, 27, 48, 59, 66]. In some facilities in Nigeria, pregnant women were required to go to the clinic with their husbands, which delayed clinic attendance and affected the timely provision of IPTp-SP [24, 47].
Individual factors demotivating women from accessing MiP interventions
Difficulties in swallowing tablets, nausea and other side effects such as sweating, drowsiness and frequent urination were commonly reported by pregnant women as key reasons demotivating them from taking IPTp-SP [3]. Some women indicated a preference for injections and others said they will prefer that the drug will be put in liquid form, as they found it difficult to swallow tablets [3, 57]. Aberese-Ako et al., [57], Mubyazi and Bloch [66] and Nyaaba et al., [3] reported that some women deliberately delayed or postponed ANC attendance for fear of the belief that SP could have side-effects on the baby. This attitude was more common among clients with higher levels of education such as teachers.
Poor knowledge on how and when to use LLINs and low awareness of IPTp-SP did not motivate women to access IPTp-SP [3, 56, 64]. Some women preferred to use spiritual means such as visiting prayer camps, using spiritual water, fasting based on their pastors instructions or taking herbs to protect them from spiritual attacks and curses that they could be afflicted with during pregnancy [3, 56, 57]. Onoka et al., [61] reported in their study that, in rural facilities IPTp-SP was given to women to take home. However, those who were taking herbal drugs, kept the SP and delayed taking it and rather completed taking the herbal treatment before taking it.
Some women complained of discomfort, while others experienced difficulty breathing whenever they used LLINs [27, 54, 59, 64]. Some also complained that they reacted to the chemicals used to treat the net, which they described as having an unpleasant smell that made them vomit. Others also complained of heat from the chemicals used in treating the LLINs, developing rashes and itching as reasons demotivating them from using LLINs [3, 17]. Other factors that demotivated women from using LLINs included ignorance, lack of access and poverty [17, 27, 53]. Some women who owned LLINs but did not use them complained that they were too small in size to accommodate them and their children [54]. Hill et al., [53] reported that adolescents were not motivated to use LLINs, as they explained that it was not their habit and one of the reasons was feeling too lazy to hang it at night.
The fear of needle pricks or being tested for HIV/AIDS demotivated some women, especially adolescents and young women, from attending ANC. This resulted in missed opportunities to receive information on malaria, LLINs and IPTp-SP [49]. Some delayed ANC attendance till the pregnancy was in an advanced stage, thus missing out on early use of LLINs and the chance to receive the recommended three doses of IPTp-SP [47, 63]. A nurse providing maternal and child health care services explained in an interview: "Women come for the first ANC visit at thirteen weeks of pregnancy and may receive up to three doses, but in most of the cases women… first visit at eight months. These will not complete the recommended doses"[63:7].
Self-medication was particularly common with uninsured women (to avoid the cost of both transport and medical care), and on other occasions for cases of mild malaria some combined self-medication with hospital treatment [52]. Boene et al., [64] and Arnaldo et al., [63] in their studies in Mozambique, reported that malaria was not viewed as a threat to pregnancy and study respondents did not know that malaria infection could have associated adverse maternal and birth outcomes. Consequently, they were not motivated to access MiP care.
Socio-cultural factors demotivating women from accessing MiP interventions
It was noted that poor women especially those who did not receive financial support from their husbands and close relatives, could not afford the cost relating to transport to accredited stores or shops to buy LLINs or LLIN vouchers. Additionally, they could not afford to pay for IPTp-SP, malaria treatment and ANC services [9, 24, 27, 48, 53, 54, 58, 67]. A study respondent stated: “Some of our husbands have no money to give us. Some are very poor, and one cannot go to the hospital, even government hospitals, without money. So your only option is to stay at home with malaria and have faith in God to cure you”. [24:9]. This resulted in non-attendance, late attendance and irregular attendance to the ANC, which resulted in late or non-uptake of IPTp-SP [9, 58, 67]. A woman stated in an interview: “We pay for every type of drug here, so the government has to look at this problem closely. Okay, we are blamed for coming late to the clinic, but what do they expect, if we have no money?” [9:8].
Other indirect costs such as the inability to afford a maternity dress resulted in late ANC attendance and irregular attendance [50]. Moreover, sometimes women did not return to the ANC, because they could not afford the nutritional diet that was prescribed for them at the ANC [50]. Additionally, women prioritized their responsibilities and work over accessing preventive care. For instance, women sometimes failed to attend ANC to facilitate IPTp-SP uptake. Some also missed scheduled ANC visits due to prioritising domestic work, taking care of children and farming activities during the farming season [47, 63, 66].
In Mali women had to seek permission from their husbands and male heads of families to attend ANC [58]. Additionally, women indicated that husbands and family heads made key financial decisions on health care, which affected women’s access to ANC care [53, 58]. Some husbands, as reported in studies conducted in Nigeria [24] and Mali [58] did not encourage their wives to go to the health facility for ANC service. This affected timing and the regularity of accessing maternal health care services. Some women had to negotiate with their husbands or other male relatives to get money for ANC. Therefore, on occasions when they were unsuccessful, they had to borrow money or missed out on ANC attendance [58]. Women who faced difficulty in finding alternative sources of money to pay for ANC reduced the frequency of ANC visits [53, 58]. In Mali, pregnant women who depended on their husbands for money to access health care were reluctant to disclose ailments to their husbands, because, the cost involved was thought to be irritating to their husbands [53]. The societal perception that women are not supposed to have money demotivated women from buying and using LLINs in Nigeria, even though they knew the benefits of LLINs. They feared that if they used their own money to buy LLINs, their husbands would question them over the suspicion that they got the money from other men [27].
Other socio-cultural factors that demotivated women from attending ANC early were shame and fear that if they revealed their pregnancy early, they could be perceived as being boastful, hence, eliciting envy, jealousy, social exclusion and bewitchment [48, 67]. In Kenya the shame of being pregnant out of wedlock or being pregnant at the same time as their mothers and thus having to share clinic space discouraged adolescents and younger women from attending ANC [53]. Late recognition of pregnancy especially among young women and adolescents contributed to late visits to the ANC, which affected early initiation of IPTp-SP and the number of IPTp-SP doses that some took by the time of delivery [48].
Community members, husbands, mothers and mothers in-law held strong beliefs that traditional healers and traditional birth attendants (TBAs) had better knowledge of medicines for treating malaria than health workers, which motivated women to seek health care from them rather than visiting a health facility [24, 27, 59, 66]. A respondent stated in an interview:
“As with husbands, some parents do not encourage their daughters to go to a hospital during pregnancy, because of their traditional beliefs and recommend traditional birth attendants, herbalists or native doctors rather than health care providers in government health facilities”[24:9].
Studies from Nigeria suggest that some husbands and older women believe that their parents did not attend ANC, that male health workers will attend to their wives and others perceive that health workers are not more knowledgeable than traditional healers [24, 59]. Such perceptions contributed to the belief that pregnant women did not need to attend ANC or to seek treatment for malaria at the hospital [24, 59].
Health shopping was common in a study in Nigeria [59]. Pregnant women who were afflicted with malaria first visited the drug store to buy recommended drugs from the chemist [3, 59]. They only went to the hospital when the purchased drugs did not work [59]. A husband stated in an FGD:
“…whenever she is sick, we go to the chemist first and buy some drugs. If there is any dealer there, we ask him what drug to buy. If not, we buy the one we know. If that does not work, we shall now go to [the] nurse (auxiliary nurse) to give her an injection. When we have tried all these ones and it doesn’t work, we will now go to [the] hospital” [59:7].
Community members and pregnant women believed that malaria that persisted or was severe could only be treated by using herbal remedies, boiling leaves or visiting the traditional herbalist [24, 52, 59]. Many participants confirmed that seeking treatment in modern health facilities was generally viewed as a last resort; usually when the disease posed a major threat to life [24, 52]. Other reasons for using traditional medicine was the belief that it works faster, it is cheaper and more accessible [24, 60]. Some women used traditional remedies consisting of boiled leaves of pawpaw, mango and ginger as key strategies to preventing malaria in pregnancy, while others preferred to visit TBAs and faith-based attendants instead of attending ANC services [3, 59]. Quist and Adomah-Afari [55] and Aberese‑Ako, Magnussen [17], found that some community members burn herbs, orange peels and dried palm-nut with the aim that the scent emitting from the smoke would drive away mosquitoes and therefore did not use LLINs. However, respondents admitted that it only works for a short time.
There were misconceptions among study participants, which demotivated pregnant women from using LLINs [27, 51, 55]. In Ghana it was believed that the chemicals used in treating the net could cause abortion [55], in Uganda its use was associated with cancer [51], while in Nigeria it was believed that it could affect one’s ability to breathe, and it was also perceived as poisonous and could kill [27]. A respondent in an FGD stated: “We fear we may die because these chemicals are poisonous” [27:121]. Aberese‑Ako et al., [17] Pell et al., [52] and Taremwa et al., [51] observed that LLINs were used for other purposes such as netting for gardens, fishing nets, latrine doors, crop protectors, to raise chickens and as decorative wall hangings.
Environmental factors
Warm weather demotivated pregnant women from using LLINs. They complained of heat especially in the warm season, feeling hot, uncomfortable, sweating and others said they experienced difficulty in breathing when they used LLINs [17, 27, 53, 54, 59].
Distance to health facilities coupled with lack of access to transport in Mali [67] and long distances to health care facilities in Tanzania [47] and in Nigeria [3], demotivated women and contributed to poor ANC attendance, which impacted on women’s access to MiP services.
Long distances to heath facilities resulting in women getting there late and risking being turned away or asked to come at another time frustrated them [9, 24]. Such women attended ANC irregularly, which impacted on regular uptake of IPTp-SP [9, 24]. Mubyazi and Bloch [9], noted that women living in rural areas of Tanzania found the distance to health facilities more challenging than women living in urban areas, where there are better access roads and transport service. In the case of Nigeria, women in peri-urban areas complained about long distances to tertiary facilities, the time taken for the trip, and high transport fares [24]. Also, a combination of long travel distances and waiting times at clinics demotivated women from early ANC registration in Tanzania [9]. Women who lived far from health facilities were the least motivated, because it contributed to delays in starting ANC early, which reduced the likelihood of them receiving LLINs early and completing the required dose of IPTp-SP by the time of delivery. A woman who attended her first ANC at six months of gestation explained:
" This [waiting time] makes it a bit difficult, because I live far away from the health center. When I imagine that I will stay here for a long time I give up" [pregnant woman] [63:6].
In Ghana, some women were not motivated to use LLINs, because the nets were white and not suitable for their mud homes. They easily became dirty when they hanged them over bed linens which were placed on the bare floor [54]. Others reported that they did not use their nets, because the architectural design of their rooms made it difficult to hang them and poor ventilation made it difficult to use them [17, 54, 55].