Lived experiences of 3rd June twin disaster victims in Ghana

doi:10.21203/rs.3.rs-1404290/v1

Download PDF

Research Article

Lived experiences of 3^rd June twin disaster victims in Ghana

https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-1404290/v1

This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License

Version 1

posted

You are reading this latest preprint version

Disasters have become a common threat to many societies across the globe. In developing communities, there is severe impact as disasters tend to wash away the little gains they have made. As much as there are community level effects, disasters leave significant individual impacts that deserve attention. This qualitative study study used the phenomenological approach to explore the lived experiences of 13 victims of the 3^rd June, 2015 flood/fire disaster in Accra, Ghana. It was found that victims perceive the cause of the disaster to include engineering failures and anti-environmental behaviours. Their experiences include biographical disruption such as disfigurement, death and loss of property, and psychological impacts such as anxiety, behavioural changes and mood effects. Participants’ adjustment experiences involve societal, and family level intervention, spiritual support and post disaster vulnerability issues. It is concluded that the struggles of disaster victims in Ghana are real and that there is the need for comprehensive intervention and support for victims. The implications of the findings regarding are discussed.

twin disaster

lived experience

disaster victims

3rd June

Ghana

The experiences of disaster victims/survivors in Ghana have received little attention from the scientific community. Typically, their agony is projected in the media during and a little after their disaster [1]. The lack of interest by the scientific community in Ghana has left significant gap in the literature regarding the impact of disasters in Ghana. The essence of the current study is to document the experiences of flood disaster victims in Ghana, and serve as a basis for policy and therapeutic recommendations.

Flood is the commonest disaster in Ghana and this has become a perineal challenge to the country. Unfortunately, not enough has been achieved with the roadmap to arrest the situation, creating a perpetual pending doom for the state. This places many at the mercy of nature, thereby triggering the need for interventions research and interventions. The literature on the experiences of disaster victims has indicated horrific situations for the victims [2], [3]. Disasters have physical impacts such as loss of lives, injuries, and infections [4]–[6]. There are equally significant psychological traumas associated with disasters namely, posttraumatic stress disorder, depression and suicidality [7], [8]. Some studies even drew a link between disaster experiences and violent behaviours [9], [10]. Meanwhile there is strong link between the physical effects of disasters and the psychological impacts on the victims [11], [12].

Flood disaster has become a perennial problem in Ghana. Meanwhile, the short to long term consequences of disaster are usually dire and these have been documented copiously in the literature [13], [14]. These consequences are physical [15] or psychological [8]. According to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual, fifth edition (DSM 5), individuals who survive disasters may experience symptoms such as flashbacks, nightmares, hypervigilance, sleep and memory problems among others [16]. Of particular interest are the long-term consequences because these may be debilitating and normally disrupt affected individuals’ occupational and social lives.

Globally, the number of victims of disaster continues to increase annually [17], [18]. This is an indication that many people in communities are living with significant psychological distress as a result of exposure to disasters. Sadly, it is projected that flood disasters will increase in the future with Africa and Asia already recording higher incidences of such disasters [19]. The experience of survivors of disasters is a unique one that must be told by the survivor alone. It is important to explore this qualitatively where the individual has the avenue to express the fullness of the experiences. Thus, this study adopted the phenomenological approach and sought to unravel the ordeal of victims of flood disaster in Ghana. The study answered the following question; what are the lived experiences of the flood disaster victim? Specifically, a) What account of the flood disaster do victims have in terms of what they experienced and how much they recall? b) What specific psychological effects did victims experience due to the disaster? and c) What personal and collective strategies underscore victims coping abilities over the years?

Study Design

The phenomenological design was used for this study. Basically, it was aimed at understanding the story of the victims of the disaster [20]. This was to provide the basis for the understanding of the experiences of the victims through their own narratives. Their experiences explored include the impact of the disaster on their lives and how they managed such impacts. Creswell [20] describes phenomenology as both a philosophy and a method. As a method it makes it possible for an extensive study of a smaller number or participants in order to establish patterns within the meanings of the experiences of the participants.

Population and Sample

This study was conducted at the Kwame Nkrumah Circle in Accra, the capital city of Ghana among the victims of the 3^rd June 2015 flood disasters in Accra. This disaster was unique in the history of disasters in Ghana because of an explosion of a fuel filling station at the Kwame Nkrumah Circle which claimed over 150 lives in the capital city.

Community entry was made through the Assembly member of the community. This paved way for contact with the victims. The victims had a meeting to discuss their needs and how they could table that before government and this was attended by the researcher. This gave the opportunity to discuss the research with victims. Three contact numbers were taken during the meeting and followed up to sample participants.

All three contacts established during the meeting agreed to participant in the study. Snowballing was done to obtain 10 other victims. In all, a sample size of 13 was used for this study. These participants were selected purposively. All participants experienced the ‘twin disaster’ except t one who experienced only flood. There were 7 males and 6 females. All participants interviewed are Christians.

Data collection procedure

Each participant was contacted either via phone or in person. When they agreed to participate in the study, a date was set together for the interview to be conducted. Majority of them were interviewed in their homes. Five participants were however interviewed in their shops where they work due to their schedules. A semi-structured interview guide was developed and used for the interview. Specifically, the interview guide was along three issues namely: an account of the tragedy/disaster victims encountered, the impact of the tragedy on their lives (both positive and negative), and how they survived till now (the strengths they relied on/coping).

The guide consisted of items that elicited questions on the subject matter for participants to answer. There are also prompts on items so as to guide on possible follow-up questions. Meanwhile, there was room for follow-up questions depending on the responses given by participants. This afforded in-depth information required for the study. The guide was reviewed by two independent expects for appropriateness before it was used.

Interviews were conducted one-on-one and audiotaped with the consent of participants. Interviews lasted 50 to 60 minutes. Some of the questions asked participants included: ‘How did the disaster affect your psychological health; and ‘In what ways were your family members helpful in managing with the disaster?’

Data processing and analysis

Data obtained in the interviews were all tape recorded. Each of the tapes was named distinctively to avoid overlapping information. The tapes were all transcribed verbatim by the researcher. Tapes of interviews with participants who used local expressions in course of the interview, those who answered some questions in local language in order to express themselves well and those who were interviewed in a local language (in this case Twi) were transcribed verbatim and translated by a professional from the Department of Linguistics, University of Ghana, Legon. Transcribed and translated scripts were reviewed for spellings, punctuations and correctness of the transcriptions along the audio tape by the researcher and two other expects in qualitative data analysis for clarity of the information they contained.

Thematic analysis was used to analyse the data obtained in this study. The data was organised using Atlas.ti. The data was organised into themes and subthemes (summarized in figure 1) along the main research questions of the study.

In all, three themes were generated. These include experiences during disaster, psychological impacts and adjustment factors (see Fig. 1). Each of these themes have subthemes that are presented below with corresponding quotes. The themes were carefully named to reflect the information provided by participants and also to satisfy the research questions to be answered by the study.

Perceived cause of disaster

This subtheme examines the impression participants had about the cause of the disaster. This was important to explore as perceived cause of misfortune influences how people adjust. Participants who happen to be at the point of the disaster had their own beliefs about what might have resulted in the disaster. From the narratives, it was noted that participants attributed the disaster to inappropriate town planning and constructions and human behaviours. Therefore, two subthemes emerged under this theme namely engineering failures and anti-environmental behaviours.

Engineering failures: This subtheme describes the cause of the disaster participants attributed to construction or engineering problems. At the time of the disaster, the Kwame Nkrumah Circle Interchange was under construction. Probably, during the construction, drainages were temporarily blocked either deliberately or not deliberately by construction works. Participants indicated that this might have resulted in the flooding. For example, one participant stated that “…the road was under construction so trip of sand covered the roads, gutters so the rain came with force and did not get a place to pass. It entered the tank and uncover the top and the fuel came out” (Participant 2, Female, 44years).

Another participant whose residence is not within the construction zone but was still flooded supported the idea that engineering failures might account for the disaster. This is because construction works in her vicinity was done several years before the disaster. She states that “…when they were constructing the N1 high way, there was this big gutter even though at first it gets flooded but it was just around the edges, not major flooding. But immediately they constructed that N1 they blocked that gutter… the new gutter that they were constructing was left half way. They didn’t do the rest” (Participant 1, Female, 33years)

Some participants also attributed the fire to poor maintenance at the fuel filling station. Some of them said the following:

“…what I know is that, first we share wall with the filling station, anytime it rains they use rubber to cover their machines because of leakage. When it rains the petrol leaks” (Participant 2).

“…my house shares a wall with the filling station. From 5pm the rain was getting heavier, thus it entered our house to the level of our neck. You could smell petrol in the water, but since we had 2 vehicles in the yard, I assumed it was from their burst fuel tanks. However, the smell of fuel was so much that you’ll have to cover your nose before you could enter my room. I then realised it was from the filling station and not our vehicles. The smell of fuel was also on me” (Participant 4)

Anti-environmental behaviours: This is about negative human behaviours that might have resulted in the floods and related disasters. Participants attributed the disaster to these behaviours by indicating that people indiscriminately dispose refuse into the drains. The refuse chokes the drains and prevent the free flow of running water whenever it rains. This diverts the water into homes and causes flooding. They also stated that some households do not have toilet facilities and so dispose their faecal matter into the drains. One of the participants admonished Ghanaian by saying ‘…Ghanaians must learn to protect our own environment’ (Participant 9, male, 42years).

These are some of the responses participants gave about this:

“…We have a big gutter but you see people throwing rubbish and defecating into it especially in the morning. So, all these things contributed to the flood” (Participant 1, Female, 36years)

“…some from dispose their refuse into the gutters. ... Those who do not have toilets … even throw their faecal matters into the gutters (Participant 5, male, 37Years).

Experiences following disaster

This theme describes the impact of the experiences of the participants. These include experiences both during and after the disaster. Participants experienced physical and psychological impacts and these are captured under subthemes known as biographical disruption and psychological impacts.

Loss and biographical disruption: This theme describes the loss of lives and the physical or bodily disfigurement or alterations caused by the disaster to participants. Those who were affected by the fire had some various degrees of burns. This leaves them with some physical deformities that affect their daily activities. Some lost their close relations such as children, and parents. For example, one participant stated that

“…Look at me body. Now I always have to wear long sleeves and a cap to cover myself. People fear how I look now. Look at my picture [participant pulls out a picture of himself before the disasters and he looks really different]. Now look at me. The difference. Hmmm”. (Participant 8, male, 47 years).

He also indicated that due to his current appearance he has only limited places to go to because people will laugh at him. For example, he said; “…when my children say their parents should come to PTA (Parent-Teacher Association), I can’t go again because their friends will laugh at them.” (Participant 8, male, 47 years).

Other participants who were also burnt in the disaster stated how they are disfigured as follows;

“…I was also burnt. It wasn’t a small issue, from my head to toe, every part of my body burnt… I look old at once” (Participant 3, female, 38years).

“…I also feel bad about my skin now. I am not married and now see my skin. I feel shy.” (Participant 12, male, 32years)

Another participant indicated that even though she was not burnt, when jumped from a storey building in an attempt to escape the fire and this got her paralysed after a couple of weeks. She stated the following;

“…It was after say around 2 weeks then I could see that when I am walking, my legs wobbles. So, I didn’t know anything about spine something. So, one morning when we woke up, we swept the area, and I sat down, I wanted to get up, but I couldn’t get up… It has disabled me, it cost me my ability to work.” (Participant 6, female, 63years).

This participant also indicated that her current state has rendered her unable to work since she is not able to walk and move about because she suffered a spinal damage from the disaster;

“…I am not able to work… I cannot walk anymore. I have been stuck here since. … I can say it is Jehovah GOD that has sustained us.” (Participant 6, female, 63years).

Participants also suffered the loss of their loved ones such as relatives and friends. Some loss their relations or friends through the fire and others through the flood. Some participants said the following;

“…My elder sister who was 58 years died… because of the fire. She was not at the top, she was downstairs. And my senior brother whose 18 years girl was also at the down also lost her life” (Participant 2, female, 44years).

“…I have no family members left. The fire killed all of them” (Participant 5, male, 37years).

Some lost their marital partners and were confronted with the difficulty of breaking the news of the death to the children;

“…Finally, I gathered the courage to go to Circle. She was not there too. My brother, it was on the 7th day that I found my wife’s body at the mortuary at 37 hospital ooo. I couldn’t cry. I was trying to be strong for my children. We have two children. They were always asking where their mother was. I was just hoping to see her at least alive in the hospital and tell them something but finally I have to go and break the news to them” (Participant 9).

Participants also lost their properties in the disaster. Some lost their homes, clothing, cars, and shops and other belongings. For some, it was all their live time possession that they have lost. Due to this, some participants find it difficult to resettle. Some sleep outside because they are unable to raise funds to rent accommodation. Some who were previously importers are now selling sachet water.

Some participants who lost properties said;

“…We lost everything. We didn’t pick anything from that house. But you know people even came and robbed the few things that remained” (Participant 1, female, 36years).

“…I lost all my possessions. My electronic devices, wardrobe, the building even had cracks” (Participant 5, male, 37years).

“…Well, we lost a lot of material things. Our clothes, cars and many things” (Participant 12, male, 32)

For others, the loss of the job appears to have completely redefine their state and they perceive that they have reduced to nothing:

“…I am into business, I import things. My customer is in Italy and one is in US, they send me things, mattress, television, fridge and others. I cleared them, I do supply to my customers in Bogoso, Goaso, Prestea, and Tarkwa… Now I sell pure water, my ice chest is behind you”. (Participant 2, female, 44years)

Some victims have hard time making a living because their source of livelihood had been severely affected. For example, some participants said;

“…Since then, we have been through hardship. We don’t get money to do anything” (Participant 3).

Others also indicated;

“…I sleep outside, those are my things. My bags, sponge everything is inside. I sleep in front of Vienna City.” (Participant 2). Another added; “…it has cost me my children’s schooling” (Participant 6, female, 63years).

Psychological impact: This subtheme examines the psychological distress endured by victims over the years as a result of the disaster they experienced. This captures three dimensions namely anxiety, behavioural changes, and mood effects.

With regards to anxiety, long after the disaster participants still expressed feelings of uneasiness and fear about the event and related situations. They reported nightmares and uncomfortable memories about the event. Some participants expressed anxiety over the location of the disaster as shown in the following narratives;

“…I stopped going to circle or passing there. I remember one day I was going to Accra from Achimota, I used 37 (another route) instead of Circle. It makes my heart beat. But this year I manage to go there like three times.” (Participant 10, male, 30years)

“…Eeii, I get scared when I see it [i.e. the Circle filling station], I panic. After we were discharged from the hospital I didn’t want to come here. I came and stood at an area and decided boldly to come if not the fear will be there forever. So, I came with boldness, courage but sometimes I get frightened with goose bumps.” (Participant 4, female, 48years).

“…I still use circle to work and back. When I get there at first it scares me. Right now, it annoys me.” (Participant 12, male, 32years)

Some participants also indicated that they experience anxiety at specific times such as towards night, and during rains. “…I get panic, when am sleeping or walking around and when it’s getting to evening” (Participant 3). Another said “…I am better now but whenever it rains my fears and anxieties resurges”. (Participant 5, male, 37years)

“…When it is about to rain, I remember that day. It often keeps me awake especially if the rain is falling at night. Aha! And also, I don’t know, when I go upstairs, I remember the incidence a lot. It looks like it is happening again. Fortunately, my room is downstairs so I avoid the top as much as possible.” (Participant 11, female, 67years).

One participant expressed his experience of nightmare as follows:

“…I always dream about it. It’s like the thing is happening again. I fear at night because of the dreams. Even during the day sometimes, I dream about it. When I have the dream and I wake up then I become ‘basaa’ (i.e. disturbed).” (Participant 8, male, 47years)

Behavioural changes include information on some negative changes in the behaviour of victims following the disaster. This includes changes in sleep, eating and physical activities. Below are some extracts from their narratives;

“…I can’t sleep. I lie down like that then I open my eyes. I don’t feel fine now”. (Participant 3, female, 38years) and “…Currently I do not sleep so well, I wake up at 2 am and can’t go back to bed. Whereas I sleep better outside” (Participant 4, female, 48years).

For those experiencing eating related changes:

“…Eating, it is the worst of it all. Sometimes I can be stressed and forget whatever I am doing. I don’t even feel like eating” (Participant 2, female, 44years), and “…As for food I can eat a little. When I am eating, I don’t feel its taste, especially when I remember that I have nowhere to sleep.” (Participant 3, female, 38years).

Nevertheless, some participants indicated that their sleep and eating patterns had not changed that much. Below are some narratives;

“…As for eating honestly I can eat normal.” (Participant 10, male, 30years), and “…As for sleeping, I sleep well… No. Me, I dey eat paa oh (i.e. I eat so much) …” (Participant 6, female, 63years); “…I don’t think my eating has been affected that much. When I feel hungry and I get the food I can eat. So, I think that it is okay.” (Participant 11, female, 67years).

With regards to physical activities, some participants reported loss of energy and zeal or motivation. One participant said the following;

“…I wasn’t enjoying myself and the things I used to do in the past and it also impacted on my work. Because now even waking up and preparing for work became a challenge.” (Participant 1, female, 36years).

Mood effects describes the emotional feelings such as sadness, depression, loss of interest by victims of the disaster and anger. Some said they cried, felt sad and lost interest in activities. One of the participants responded that “…I wasn’t enjoying myself and the things I used to do in the past” Participant 1). Largely, these experiences underscore depressive symptoms among the victims. Below are some other quotes from other participants;

“…My brother, it is tough for me. If not my wife, hmmm. If it were some women, they would have left me. I have been crying aaa. I feel really sad.” (Participant 8, male, 47years), and “…I was thinking a lot. I still think but not like last year… I was getting angry too. The only thing is that I try not to offend the children.” (Participant 9, male, 47years).

A victim who was physically deformed by the disaster shared how difficult it is for him in public places. His ordeal affects the children as well as he indicated that the friends of his children will mock them when he turns up in the children’s school. This is what he said;

“…I can be very sad because my children when they say their parents should come to PTA I can’t go again because their friends will laugh at them.” (Participant 8, male, 47years)

He also lamented how the general public add to his pain.

“…It’s not easy my brother. If I go and join a trotro, people don’t want to sit on the seat with me. Meanwhile I didn’t bring this upon myself. But the thing is that as for the people they don’t know what happened to me. No, I look very scary. When I see people’s reaction then I start to cry. I can’t hold the tears. Hmmmm.” (Participant 8, male, 47years)

Adjustment experiences

Victims have endured lots of emotional and physical difficulties over the years as a result of the disaster. This theme describes the resources that help them to live through the difficult times. These include how society intervened in order to assist the participants in their difficult moments. It also explains how families have been of support to participants. Therefore, there are three subthemes under this theme namely societal level intervention, family level intervention and spiritual support.

Societal level intervention

This describes interventions from society to support participants during and after the disaster. It was also noted that assistance from unrelated people, public figures and philanthropists was also helpful to victims. At the time, some political figures, footballers, and well to do Ghanaians were reported to have donated items and money for the upkeep of victims. Some also supported victims directly. Although participants’ responses indicated that these resources were not sufficient, but rather more driven towards attenuating acute crisis, they provided some initial relief:

“…It was Ken Agyapong (a member of parliament) who promised to take care of that child .so he asked me to look for school for him so he paid everything. 11 million old currency…. Mr Osei Kwame Despite also gave me some money. I used some to sew uniform for the children among others. I rented a room for 2 years. After the advance expired, I couldn’t renew it” (Participant 2, female, 44years)

As indicated above, the support received by the above participant lasted only during the early phase of the crisis, but ceased afterwards. Some participants also got support from government especially through the NADMO. For example, one participant said;

“…A lot of support for possessions came. NADMO also came. Government gave us GHS 100 for 3 months. They registered us and gave us and ATM card [Actually an ezwich card] which we withdrew funds for just 3 months. From there I did not get anything again. (Participant 5, male, 37years).

The above also reiterates the insufficiency of the support participants received after the disaster. This signifies the temporary reliefs offered participants. However, the long-term needs of the participants would not be appreciated by society.

Some participants also received support from friends. For example,

“…My friends have been good. Even though most of them died, the few I have, have been good to me. I also hassle small, small.” (Participant 10, male, 30years) and “…Eee as for friends in terms of dresses, clothes they helped but not anymore” (Participant 2, female, 44years).

Another participant indicated that things are still hard that she had to fall on friends sometimes for money and good to sell and pay back later:

“…Sometimes, when I see my friend, I beg for money say GHC10.00 and they give me. I collect cake from a certain woman and sell then I return the proceeds” (Participant 3m female, 38years).

Another one also said that the sympathy and emotional support from friends was helpful:

“…There were a lot of friends who sympathised with me and my children. There were calling and encouraging especially the church people” (Participant 9, male, 42years).

Family level intervention: Participants also reported how helpful family members have been in the trying moments of their lives. For many of them, relatives came to their aid. In this case, some participants supported by family members to relocate. Others were re-established in order to make a living. For example, “…My children try to help me. As I told you they put up my shop again for me” (Participant 11, female, 67years).

Some participants said their relations who were abroad and heard about their ordeal came to Ghana to support them:

“…As I said, physically my brother came down and bought the little, little things that would make us comfortable. (Participant 1, female, 36years)

“…my daughter lives at Italy… so my daughter come down and she came to help me to acquire those things back… helped me to build my own house where I now live” (Participant 7, male, 60years).

Another participant also expressed joy about how family members had been supportive;

“…My family was very supportive. They have helped me raise the kids this far. I don’t really need money or materials from them. They have provided us with emotional support. They were really there” (Participant 9, male, 42years).

Spiritual Factors: Some participants also used religious or spiritual coping methods such as praying and attending church. For example, some participants recounted that;

“…I have become stronger in faith and even now I have learnt a lot. Anytime I look back to that experience, I know that God had a hand in it.” (Participant 1, female, 36years) and “…I thank God for life. At first, I didn’t mind. Now I am close to God. It has also made me manage the little I have now.” (Participant 10, male, 30years).

The participant 10 was explicit even that it was the disaster that made him start going to church as in the following;

“…at first I was not going to church. It is now that I am going. They don’t know anything about my situation. But for me I go to church now because I know what God has done for me.” (Participant 10, male, 30years)

For most of the participants, being alive is valuable than the possessions they lost. This gives them some strength to ride on. They appreciate that a supreme being (God) is the holder of all lives and that one must be grateful if we have life:

“…I appreciate life now than before. You can just vanish like that, so when we have a day, we must be grateful. Now I see people do things and I tell myself that they have not seen anything in life” (Participant 9, male, 42years)

“…It has made me appreciate people a lot. And also, I value life. It is very simple to die. But God is the one that keeps us alive. I now try to be closer to God” (Participant 12, male, 32years).

One participant expresses how God has been personal with him. He believes that he is precious to God and that might have spared his life. “…I am precious to God. Having my life alone is precious to me. That is my strength…I know God is on my side. There is always hope once there is life.” (Participant 7, male, 60years). This participant also implies that life without possessions is sufficient. This must be a strong resource for coping with disaster effects.

The experiences of disaster victims are important when considering the support to offer them. This will inform interventions that will benefit victims. This study found significant experiences of victims of the 3rd June, 2015 flood/fire disaster in Accra, Ghana, with important implications for clinical, social and political interventions.

The study found that victims attributed the causes of the disaster to engineering failures and anti-environmental behaviours exhibited by citizens. It was lamented that construction works at the time precipitated the disaster. In 2015, the Kwame Nkrumah Interchange was upgraded into a three-layer overheard. This construction took several months to complete. During the raining season, the water ways in the area got choked and caused flooding. Ideally, path should have been created for running water ahead of the rains to avoid such tragedies, especially considering the generally poor drainage system in Accra [21]. One participant said the construction works on the N1 high way had blocked a big gutter in their area. This raises serious engineering questions. Some drains in Accra are too small. In some area there is none. Some are also damaged, creating danger for human existence. In some cases, when it is raining in Accra, commuters are not able to identify the end of drains, thereby either walking or driving into the drains when there is an overflow. In fact, the Kwame Nkrumah interchange that was constructed around the time of the disaster began to be flooded a year after commissioning. This raises concerns about construction activities in the country.

It was reported that fuel reserved in an underground thank leaked onto the surface of the flood. This further raises some engineering concerns. It also reveals poor maintenance culture. Fuel stations need regular check and maintenance to avoid leakages and explosions. Anecdotal data reveals that this is a requirement for the renewal of operation license in Ghana. However, concerns have been raised about how functional these regulations have been especially following series of similar disasters in the country.

Human behaviour towards the environment is a crucial factor in disaster occurrence. Negative behaviours endanger human lives by exposing them to dangerous structures in the environment. There is indiscriminate disposal of refuse especially into drains in Accra. When it rains, the refuse block drainages leading to poor flow of running water. At the Kwame Nkrumah Circle where the disaster occurred, most people complained about how the main drainage that connect water to the sea is chocked by refuse. During the interviews, a participant indicated that when you see people dispose refuse into the gutter and you caution them, they insult and ask if the gutter belongs to you. Some Ghanaian households do not have toilet facilities, thereby using the drains as grounds for dumping their faecal matter. People typically would tie these wastes in black polythene rubbers and drop them in the drains. These behaviours can clearly be described as anti-environmental since they tend to endanger lives.

The experiences of victims of include physical and psychological effects. The physical effects are described biographical disruption. Biographical disruption describes the presence of a long term or chronic illness that alters and impedes one’s behaviour. Participants suffered physical effects ranging from personal injuries through the loss of properties, to the death of their loved ones. These have left them with significant disruptions impeding their general live and daily functioning. This finding concurs with Du et al. [4] and Noe et al. [22]. Jonkman and Kelman [5] also indicated that there are usually deaths during floods especially through drowning. In the 3rd June disaster in Accra, many people were drowned, many others were burnt through the fuel station explosion. Thus, apart from the over 150 lives lost through the explosion, there were several other bodies discovered that were dead through drowning. Unfortunately, it is predicted that more lives will continue to suffer due to flood disasters in Africa [19]. This is true because in Ghana, subsequent years following the 3rd June disaster lives were lost again through floods in the capital city. This probability is due to the anti-environmental behaviours citizens exhibit that precipitates disaster occurrences. Of course, the drains and engineering mistakes have sadly not change.

The disaster has caused permanent physical disability for some victims. Some are unable to walk, work and socialize. It is reported in the literature that these effects are as a result of pricks from sticks, bottles and snake bites when victims are struggling to swim off floods [23]. In the current disaster under study, participants reported similar events. One participant indicated that she probably might have hit her hip against a container that was submerged in the water. Other had their injuries through the fire/explosion. During disasters, some populations such as the aged, women and children are more vulnerable [24]. As Ghana continues to experience more disasters, the more lives especially the vulnerable ones will be affected [11], [25]. This poses strong national challenge that requires immediate attention.

Lindell and Prater [23]reported that natural disasters cause massive property damages or losses. As a result, victims usually become homeless [15]. As the result of this study showed, some participants reported that they have been sleeping outside in front of shops for some time now because their houses had been destroyed by the disaster and they currently are not able to rent a place to stay. Apart from homes, jobs were lost. Victims had their workshops destroyed completely. People had their goods destroyed and their moneys burnt up in the explosion. A participant reported that she used to import goods and sell but now she sells sachet water. The crucial aspect of these effects is that they have significant implication for psychological health among victims [26].

These effects also affect economic activities of the state [27]. Government was compelled to foot the medical bills of victims who were hospitalised due to the disaster. Till date, victims still expect and demand compensation for their losses from government. Immediately after disaster, government also need to reconstruct affected roads, bridges, and monuments. In Ghana, the NADMO becomes overstretched during disasters since victims tend to require relief items beyond expectation. Since many people get affected by disasters, their jobs and earnings get affected and that translate into poor savings and poor GDP and related economic indicators [27]–[29].

Indeed, victims expressed psychological impacts of the disaster on their lives. The psychological impacts associated with disasters is extensively demonstrated in the literature. For the current study, mood disturbances, anxiety related effects and behavioural problems were reported. These reports are in tune with Haqqi [30], Griensven et al. [31], Chung and Kim (2010), and Hussain et al. [8]. The APA reported that survivors usually experience anxiety, depression, hypersensitivity, and insomnia [16]. Victims in this study reported most of these distresses. They feel depressed and cry a lot, they are anxious, unable to sleep, have high interpersonal sensitivity and poor appetite. These distresses have implication for suicidality among victims [32], [33]. Orui and Harada [7] noted that suicidal implication of disasters is high among females on the whole. Another group that may be of concern in this instance is those with higher losses during the disaster. Fang and Chung [34] reported higher psychological impacts among these group compared to those with fewer losses. For example, a victim’s who loses the whole family, house, cars and shop in the disaster will be more psychologically distressed compared to one who loses only a shop. This must be of concern for policy makers and therapists. In this regard, resources available must be harnessed to assist such victims in order to deal with their ordeals.

This study also reported how participants were able to cope or adapt to the sudden changes in their lives. Participants reported social and family level interventions and spiritual support as some of the resource for coping in their hard times. Social support features prominently in the interventions identified in this study. Both the societal and family level interventions portray social support as a key resource for the disaster victims. This corresponds with the literature where social support has been found as a significant coping resource or protective factor against posttraumatic distress [35]–[37].

Societal level intervention received by victims included support from politicians, philanthropists and sympathisers. It also included government assistance either in cash or in kind. Usually in Ghana, government offers relief items to victims during disasters. These include mattress, bucket, food items, water, and cloths. Other well-meaning Ghanaians also provide items that may be useful to victims. Participants reported that they received such items from government and sympathisers including money. However, they were also quick to add that these items especially the money was not sufficient. One participant mentioned that after renting an accommodation with the money she received, she was not able to renew the rent after the rent expired because the money was finished and her job was crippled by the disaster.

It was also indicated that government footed the medical bills of victims who were hospitalised. At least, that would relieve the victims and families of the financial burden that comes with treatment for injuries during disasters. Again, some Ghanaians also donated various items to victims while they were at the hospital. People visited them, sympathised and prayed with them. This can inspire some sense of belonging, collectivism, care and self-worth among victims [38]. Victims also reported various forms of support from friends. A victim indicated that it was in these trying moments that she knows her real friends and their worth. Another victim said that it is her friends that support her with money anytime things become difficult for her. Oren and Possick [39] indicated that people may receive support from friends when they are in need. These supports were received whether the victims have asked for it or not. This emphasises the need for communal existence which characterises collectivistic societies. Family social support during adversities is an invaluable one, augmenting the positive effects of disasters [40]. In a typical collectivistic culture like Ghana, family may typically feel affected when a family member is struck by an adversity. Support from family members may come in various forms. Some participants indicated that they received immerse emotional support from family members. Some also received physical support such as money and clothing. Some participants had their sources of income re-established by family members while others had houses build by their family members for them. Seeing relatives showing care when in trouble would be encouraging and soothing.

Victims also utilised spiritual support during these hard times. Some indicated that they now see that God is on their side. This believe in a higher Being creates a sense of identity and renewal of faith. This in turn may create a sense of protection and hope for victims. This is because, a victim may feel that if God does not allow them to perish in the disaster, then he will protect them in other trying times in life. Participants indicated that they are now closer to God their maker and try often to be in his presence (that is in Church). This means they may also become religious and this in turn will be supportive for them [41]. One participant said he now goes to Church and he alone knows why he does so. According to Ha [42], this can help victims to understand the disaster better. Watlington and Murphy [43] also maintained that being religious facilitates reduction in deppressive symptoms and PTSD.

Implications of study findings

There are implications for policy, practice and research regarding disaster survivors in Ghana and Africa. Generally, Policy on disaster management in Ghana is too physical and short-lived and too little budget for disaster interventions. Mental health component is largely missing in the management of disaster related effects in Ghana. Government needs to redesign disaster policy by for instance making psychiatric and psychological component for disaster related interventions mandatory. Mental health research on disaster is lacking in Ghana. The academic and scientific community must turn to this subject to make information available to government and clinicians.

There are significant challenges victims of disasters endure in Ghana. It is however unfortunate that little attention is paid to this population in Ghana and Africa in general. There is limited knowledge on what happens with this population and this can seriously impede policy and intervention.

There are a number of factors that serve as protection for victims, notable among them is social support. This is a unique quality of a collectivistic culture such as Ghana and many other African countries. This must be guarded with all interest. As clear as problems hang among victims of disasters in Ghana, there are conspicious protections available for them. It is imperative for the scientific community to unravel the challenges and protections in order to influence policy decision and inform therapeutic activities towards this group of citizens.

Ethical approval and Consent to Participate:

Ethical approval was obtained from the Ethics Committee for Humanities (ECH) of the University of Ghana, Legon (Approval No. ECH 084/17-18). The study also adhered to the relevant ethical guidelines and regulations in accordance with the Helsinki declarations. All participants signed a written informed consent form approved by the Ethics Committee for Humanities (ECH) of the University of Ghana, Legon before their participation. All participants were above age 18.

Consent for publication:

Not applicable

Availability of data and materials:

All data/Raw transcripts generated and/or analysed during this study are included in this published article and its supplementary information files.

Competing interest:

None

Funding:

Not applicable

Authors’ contribution:

Emmanuel Dziwornu conducted the study and prepared the manuscript

Acknowledgment:

I acknowledge the supervisory role of Dr. Adote Anum, Prof. Charity Akotia and Prof. Joseph Osafo. They were my supervisory team during my PhD research from which this manuscript was prepared.

E. Dziwornu and N. Kugbey, “Mental Health Problems and Coping among Flood Victims in Ghana: A Comparative Study of Victims and Non-Victims,” Curr. Res. Psychol., vol. 6, no. 1, p. 15.21, 2015, doi: 10.3844/crpsp.2015.15.21.
S. Sipon, K. S. Nasrah, N. N. N. N. Nazli, S. Abdullah, and K. Othman, “Stress and Religious Coping among Flood Victims,” Procedia - Soc. Behav. Sci., vol. 140, pp. 605–608, 2014, doi: 10.1016/j.sbspro.2014.04.478.
V. Mason, H. Andrews, and D. Upton, “The psychological impact of exposure to floods,” Psychol. Heal. Med., vol. 15, no. 1, pp. 61–73, 2010, doi: 10.1080/13548500903483478.
W. Du, G. J. Fitzgerald, M. Clark, and X. Y. Hou, “Health impacts of floods,” Prehosp. Disaster Med., vol. 25, no. 3, pp. 265–272, 2010, doi: 10.1017/S1049023X00008141.
S. N. Jonkman and I. Kelman, “An Analysis of the Causes and Circumstances of Flood Disaster Deaths,” Disasters, vol. 29, no. 1, pp. 75–97, 2005, doi: 10.1111/j.0361-3666.2005.00275.x.
I. K. Kouadio, S. Aljunid, T. Kamigaki, K. Hammad, and H. Oshitani, “Infectious diseases following natural disasters: prevention and control measures,” Expert Rev. Anti Infect. Therepy, vol. 10, no. 1, pp. 95–104, 2012.
M. Orui and S. Harada, “Changes in suicide rates in disaster-stricken areas following the Great East Japan Earthquake and their effect on economic factors: an ecological study,” Environ. Heal. Prev. Med., vol. 19, no. 6, pp. 459–466, 2014, doi: 10.1007/s12199-014-0418-2.
A. Hussain, L. Weisaeth, and T. Heir, “Psychiatric disorders and functional impairment among disaster victims after exposure to a natural disaster: A population based study,” J. Affect. Disord., vol. 128, no. 1–2, pp. 135–141, 2011, doi: 10.1016/j.jad.2010.06.018.
C. Berrebi and J. Ostwald, “Earthquakes, hurricanes, and terrorism : do natural disasters incite terror ? Author (s): Claude Berrebi and Jordan Ostwald Source : Public Choice, Vol. 149, No. 3 / 4, The Many Faces of Counterterrorism ( December Published by : Springer Stable,” Public Choice, vol. 149, no. 3, pp. 383–403, 2018, doi: 10.1007/S11127-01.
J. Xu, Z. Wang, F. Shen, C. Ouyang, and Y. Tu, “International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction Natural disasters and social con fl ict: A systematic literature review,” Int. J. Disaster Risk Reduct., vol. 17, pp. 38–48, 2016, doi: 10.1016/j.ijdrr.2016.04.001.
A. L. Coker et al., “Social and Mental Health Needs Assessment of Katrina Evacuees,” Disaster Manag. Response, vol. 4, no. 3, pp. 88–94, 2006, doi: 10.1016/j.dmr.2006.06.001.
R. Dewaraja and N. Kawamura, “Trauma intensity and posttraumatic stress: Implications of the tsunami experience in Sri Lanka for the management of future disasters,” Int. Congr. Ser., vol. 1287, pp. 69–73, 2006, doi: 10.1016/j.ics.2005.11.098.
J. M. Shultz, Y. Neria, A. Allen, and Z. Espinel, “Encyclopedia of Natural Hazards,” Encyclopedia of Natural Hazards, no. May. Springer, pp. 779–791, 2013, doi: 10.1007/978-1-4020-4399-4.
K. Walker-springett, C. Butler, and W. N. Adger, “Wellbeing in the aftermath of floods,” Heal. &Place Place, vol. 43, no. October 2016, pp. 66–74, 2017, doi: 10.1016/j.healthplace.2016.11.005.
A. Paidakaki, “Addressing Homelessness through Disaster Discourses: The Role of Social Capital and Innovation in Building Urban Resilience and Addressing Homelessness,” Eur. J. Homelessness, vol. 6, no. 2, pp. 137–148, 2012.
American Psychiatric Association, “Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders: DSM-V,” p. 991, 2013, doi: 10.1176/appi.books.9780890425596.744053.
D. I. Dolman et al., “Author ’ s Accepted Manuscript,” Int. J. Disaster Risk Reduct., 2018, doi: 10.1016/j.ijdrr.2018.04.024.
United Nations, “Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction 2015–2030 1,” 2015.
EM-DAT, “The Human Cost of Weather-Related Disasters 1995–2015,” 2015.
J. W. Creswell, Research Design: Qualitative, Quantitative, and Mixed Method Approaches, 4th Ed. London: Sage Publications, Inc, 2014.
S. Asumadu-sarkodie, P. A. Owusu, and P. Rufangura, “Impact analysis of flood in Accra, Ghana,” Adv. Appl. Sci. Res., vol. 6, no. 9, pp. 53–78, 2015, doi: 10.6084/M9.FIGSHARE.3381460.
R. S. Noe et al., “Disaster-Related Injuries and Illnesses Treated by American Red Cross Disaster Health Services During Hurricanes Gustav and Ike,” South Med. J., vol. 106, no. 1, pp. 102–108, 2016, doi: 10.1097/SMJ.0b013e31827c9e1f.Disaster-Related.
M. K. Lindell and C. S. Prater, “Assessing Community Impacts of Natural Disasters,” Nat. HAZARDS Rev., vol. 4, no. 4, 2004.
S. H. Paul, H. O. Sharif, and A. M. Crawford, “Fatalities Caused by Hydrometeorological Disasters in Texas,” Geosciences, vol. 8, no. 186, 2018, doi: 10.3390/geosciences8050186.
F. Neuner, E. Schauer, C. Catani, M. Ruf, and T. Elbert, “Post-tsunami Stress: A Study of Posttraumatic Stress Disorder in Children Living in Three Severely Affected Regions in Sri Lanka,” J. Trauma. Stress, vol. 19, no. 3, pp. 339–347, 2007, doi: 10.1002/jts.
E. Frankenberg, J. Friedman, T. Gillespie, N. Ingwersen, R. Pynoos, and I. U. Rifai, “Mental Health in Sumatra After the Tsunami,” Am. J. Public Health, vol. 98, no. 9, 2008, doi: 10.2105/AJPH.2007.120915.
J. Klomp, “Economic development and natural disasters: A satellite data analysis,” Glob. Environ. Chang., vol. 36, pp. 67–88, 2016, doi: 10.1016/j.gloenvcha.2015.11.001.
M. Brei, P. Mohan, and E. Strobl, “The impact of natural disasters on the banking sector: Evidence from hurricane strikes in the Caribbean,” Q. Rev. Econ. Financ., 2018, doi: 10.1016/j.qref.2018.12.004.
M. Ladds, A. Keating, J. Handmer, and L. Magee, “How much do disasters cost? A comparison of disaster cost estimates in Australia,” Int. J. Disaster Risk Reduct., vol. 21, pp. 419–429, 2017, doi: 10.1016/j.ijdrr.2017.01.004.
S. Haqqi, “Mental Health Consequences of Disasters,” Med. Today, vol. 4, no. 3, pp. 102–106, 2006.
F. van Griensven et al., “Mental Health Problems Among Adults in Tsunami-Affected Areas in Southern Thailand,” J. Am. Med. Assoc., vol. 296, no. 5, pp. 537–548, 2006.
J. Guo et al., “Suicidality associated with PTSD, depression, and disaster recovery status among adult survivors 8 years after the 2008 Wenchuan earthquake in China,” Psychiatry Res., vol. 253, no. February, pp. 383–390, 2017, doi: 10.1016/j.psychres.2017.04.022.
K. Kolves, K. E. Kolves, and D. De Leo, “Natural disasters and suicidal behaviours: A systematic literature review,” JournalofAffectiveDisorders, vol. 146, pp. 1–14, 2013, doi: 10.1016/j.jad.2012.07.037.
S. Fang and M. C. Chung, “The impact of past trauma on psychological distress among Chinese students: The roles of cognitive distortion and alexithymia,” Psychiatry Res., vol. 271, no. November 2018, pp. 136–143, 2019, doi: 10.1016/j.psychres.2018.11.032.
B. R. Sarason, I. G. Sarason, and R. A. Gurung, “Close personal relationships and health outcomes: a key to the role of social support,” in Personal relationships: Implications for Clinical and Community Psychology, B. Sarason and S. Duck, Eds. Wiley and Sons Ltd, 2001, pp. 15–41.
B. C. Feeney and N. L. Collins, A New Look at Social Support: A Theoretical Perspective on Thriving Through Relationships, vol. 19, no. 2. 2015.
K.-M. Han et al., “Social support moderates association between posttraumatic growth and trauma-related psychopathologies among victims of the Sewol Ferry Disaster,” Psychiatry Res., vol. 272, pp. 507–514, 2019, doi: 10.1016/j.psychres.2018.12.168.
L. F. Berkman, T. Glass, I. Brissette, and T. E. Seeman, “From social integration to health: Durkheim in the new millennium p,” Soc. Sci. Med., vol. 51, pp. 843–857, 2000.
L. Oren and C. Possick, “Religiosity and Posttraumatic Stress Following Forced Relocation,” J. Loss Trauma, vol. 14, no. July, pp. 144–160, 2009, doi: 10.1080/15325020902724586.
J. Platt, K. M. Keyes, and K. C. Koenen, “Size of the social network versus quality of social support: which is more protective against PTSD ?,” pp. 1279–1286, 2014, doi: 10.1007/s00127-013-0798-4.
C. S. Chan and J. E. Rhodes, “Religious Coping, Posttraumatic Stress, Psychological Distress, and Posttraumatic Growth Among Female Survivors Four Years After Hurricane Katrina,” no. April, pp. 257–265, 2013, doi: 10.1002/jts.
K.-M. Ha, “The Role of Religious Beliefs and Institutions in Disaster Management: A Case Study,” Religions, vol. 6, no. 4, pp. 1314–1329, 2015, doi: 10.3390/rel6041314.
C. G. Watlington and C. M. Murphy, “The Roles of Religion and Spirituality Among African American Survivors of Domestic Violence,” J. Clin. Psychol., vol. 62, no. 7, pp. 837–867, 2006, doi: 10.1002/jclp.20268.

No competing interests reported.

Download PDF

Version 1

posted

You are reading this latest preprint version

Lived experiences of 3^rd June twin disaster victims in Ghana

Status:

Version 1

Abstract

Figures

Introduction

Methods

Results

Discussion

Conclusion

Declarations

References

Additional Declarations

Status:

Version 1