Various indicators of social inequality are associated with both clinical and non-clinical expression of psychosis phenotype in the general population. Although there is a century-long debate about the direction of the association [4], both cross-sectional and longitudinal studies have repeatedly reported casual associations [10]. Early and current socioeconomic disadvantages lead to a transition in ultra-high-risk individuals [28]. Socioeconomic factors are reported to be the main etiologic factors in the excessive rates of psychotic disorders among immigrant groups [6]. Furthermore, social inequalities have a lifetime effect on the course and progression of psychotic disorders [7]. Not only at the clinical level but also subclinical PEs are strongly associated with lower educational levels, low income, and lower SES [9].
In this paper, we showed that indicators of early and current social inequalities were associated with the emergence, persistence, and progression of PEs in the general population. Educational achievement was strongly associated with the emergence and progression of PEs. Education represents not only current but also accumulated effects of social inequalities starting from the previous generations [29]. Our results can be regarded as the ongoing impact of educational inequality on PEs.
It has been reported that subclinical PEs are associated with ethnic minority status in western European countries (e.g. Turks in the Netherlands) [30]. In our analysis, we did not find an effect of ethnic minority status on the emergence, persistence, and progression of PEs. One of the reasons may be related to the heterogeneity of ethnic minority groups in the TürkSch; this group included individuals of Balkan and Kurdish descent who have different socio-cultural backgrounds. Another explanation might be associated with a relatively low level of discrimination among various ethnic groups in Turkey based on skin colour [31, 32].
In this paper, we used various indicators of current social inequality, including household poverty, having no social health insurance, occupation-based socioeconomic status of the respondents and area-level social disadvantage. Although poverty did not have an effect on the emergence and persistence of PEs, it increased the risk of progression of PEs. This may mean that daily income might be considered a material, psychosocial risk factor which pushes the individuals above the clinical threshold for psychosis. Poverty seems to have a more important impact on the clinical spectrum of psychosis [4]. Poverty is an outcome of various intersecting social factors. It symbolises not only long-term disadvantages but also covers short-term stress factors [29]. The paper has a follow-up period between 2008 and 2014, in which the social results of the 2008 financial crisis [33]. Thus, our results may be associated with both societal level and individual level impact of financial difficulties.
Health insurance is an indirect indicator of educational, occupational, and social achievements [29]. In Turkey, there are four different systems of health insurance, but in the case of poverty, rural background, and unemployment, the risk of having no social insurance increases [34]. Although the possession of health insurance changes from society to society, under the circumstances of modern society, having no social insurance only means accumulated psychosocial risk factors [35]. In our paper, having no social insurance was associated with the persistence and progression of PEs, which may indicate a higher risk of psychosocial risk factors. Our results may also point to the long-term disadvantage of having no insurance [29].
There is an ongoing debate about the association between low SES and psychotic disorders [4, 7]. There are reports on both social causation and social drift [5]. However, there is growing evidence of SES-related poor outcomes in various levels of psychosis, from subclinical to clinical levels [36–38]. SES mainly represents long-term social disadvantages even inherited from the past generations and can be the current outcome of disadvantages in the past [29]. In our paper, the most prominent associations were observed for the lower SES. Starting from the emergence of PEs, persistence and progression of PEs were also strongly associated with lower SES, which was most prominent in the lowest SES (manual workers). In Turkey, manual workers are the most under-skilled, undereducated, and highly exploited section of the working class [39]. Probably manual workers are at risk of high psychosocial stress, which represents the whole disadvantages of the current capitalist society in Turkey [40].
The area-level ecological environment is strongly associated with both individual-level and social-level inequalities. Poverty-related socioeconomic risk factors are concentrated in the slum areas of Turkish metropolitan cities [41]. In our results, the psychosocial risk factors associated with the incidence and progression of PEs seem to be concentrated in slum and semi-urban areas. In these regions, poverty and unemployment are higher, educational achievement is lower, and the population of these areas are excluded from the general advantages of society [41]. The most severe end of clinical psychosis, schizophrenia, seems to be associated with area-level indicators of social inequality, particularly in the most deprived areas [42]. Our results may also be related to relatively high rates of psychosis in the urban areas [43–45], but in our study, psychosis was concentrated in slum and semi-urban areas. Although slum and semi-urban areas have higher social capital, they have higher socioeconomic disadvantages in Izmir [46].
Psychosis can be a poor outcome of early social disadvantages [6, 47]. Thus, early indicators of social inequality are important for the later onset of psychosis. In our paper, we tried to investigate the early effect of socioeconomic disadvantages by checking the associations between maternal and paternal levels of education and SES at birth (based on the occupation of the father). The education level of parents and the SES at birth are meanly used as indicators of early social disadvantages [29]. These indicators are associated with sub-clinical PEs and psychotic disorders [48, 49].
In our study, there was no effect of parental education on the onset and persistence of PEs in adult life. The parental educational level can be a distant socioeconomic factor, and its impact on psychological well-being can be represented and balanced by other socioeconomic advantages and disadvantages [29]. There was only one association with the lowest socioeconomic status at birth. The paternal SES of manual workers is associated with a higher risk of persistence of PEs in adulthood.
Our results must be considered with some limitations. We have collected data at two points, and most of the indicators of social inequality were self-report. We double-checked the data and also compared income and reported SES. A recall bias may have hindered our results through the maternal and paternal educational level, paternal SES. We did not have access to administrational population data. Another limitation is the possibility of selection bias caused by attrition over time. However, the attrition analysis revealed very small effect sizes; details have been published previously [22]. And also, the attrition rate of our study is similar to previous studies with a similar design [50, 51]. Fourth, we defined the extended psychosis spectrum categories based on the presence of positive symptoms and the clinical impairment they cause. This definition is arbitrary, and the spectrum could be constructed in different ways. However, the sensitivity of CIDI is high for delusions and hallucinations, and this increases the clinical validity of our spectrum. Furthermore, the duration between the baseline and the follow-up assessments is relatively long. This long period might have limited the examination of the details of the psychotic course.