Curriculum contents in Korea and Sweden (1980-81)
Directions and values (Korea)
The Korean curriculum (see Appendix A) in 1981 stresses that students should develop a healthy body, rich emotions, refined hobbies, a strong will, and an aesthetic attitude. Important skills include basic learning skills, scientific inquiry skills, problem solving ability, and an ability to develop career paths. The moral character elements include independent self-realisation, honesty and integrity, autonomy and responsibility, fairness, and consciousness of order, as well as an attitude of human respect. At the social level, this includes social solidarity consciousness, devotion to building a democratic and just welfare society, a thorough national consciousness, a motivation to develop the national culture, and a human co-prosperity consciousness.
The educational goals underline that the middle school aims at nurturing a healthy mind and body and make [the students] acquire the knowledge and skills necessary to search for careers that match their personality, as well as nurturing fair judgement and the ability to act autonomously, to make understand democratic institutions and principles of life and practice [these] autonomously.
Curricular contents and guidelines (Korea)
The school subject activities are organized into twelve subjects: Moral Education, Korean Language, Korean History, Social Science, Mathematics, Science, Physical Education, Music, Art, Korean Literature, Foreign Language, Business[i] and Family Education.
The number of class days per year is over 170 days, and the class hours for subjects and special activities amount to over 80% of the total class hours presented in this curriculum.
Mathematics (Korea)
In mathematics, the goals of the subject include to make [the students] develop the ability to think mathematically about objects and their phenomena, with basic knowledge of mathematics as the basis, and to apply this to their lives, understand the basic concepts, principles and laws of mathematics, use mathematical terms and symbols correctly and have the ability to think mathematically about various phenomena that occur in life, to make [the students] use mathematical knowledge and skills to rationally solve problems.
In Grade 9, this includes specifically to make [the students] understand the properties of operations in the realm of real numbers, and to efficiently handle [mathematical] expressions through multiplication formula and factorization, to make [the students] learn how to solve quadratic equations so that [they] can apply this to problem solving, to make [the students] understand the properties of quadratic functions and their graphs, and the relationship between quadratic functions and quadratic equations, and to utilize them, to make [the students] understand the meaning of probability through numbers of simple cases and enable them to find simple probability, to make [the students] understand the Pythagorean theorem and the properties of trigonometric ratios, and systematically find out the properties of a circle and thereby be able to solve problems efficiently.
With regard to the values and directions described in the first sections, it is possible to identify both nationalist and modernist tendencies. While democracy was not realised until 1987 (Kim, 2010), democracy is still underlined on a few occasions. Moreover, there appears to be an emphasis upon moral character and physical fitness, indicated by phrases like a ‘strong body’, ‘aesthetic person’ and ‘has a high taste and pursues beauty’. The last two enunciations are themselves value-laden – what is an ‘aesthetic person’? what is a ‘high taste’? and what is ‘beauty’ – but the reader is not provided any additional descriptions or explanations. Our understanding of this is that at this time, Korea was influenced by a hybrid system of Korean Confucianism, American humanism and anti-Communism, and Japanese and American military-style influences that glorified physical and aesthetic prowess (Clark, 2000; Jho, 2017; Lie, 2014; Moon & Koo, 2011). These elements tie to formulations such as “consciousness of order”, “national consciousness”, “a strong will”, and “an aesthetic attitude” mentioned above, whereas the democratic features constitute a means to display a nationalist anti-Communist agenda rather than a universal pursuit (Moon & Koo, 2011, p. 583). Be that as it may, such content is downplayed in later Korean documents (NCIC, 2009/2015) and in the Swedish counterparts.
Curricular contents and guidelines (Sweden)
In Lgr 80, whose syllabus consists of Art, English, Home and consumer studies, Physical education and health, Mathematics, Modern languages, Music, Science (Biology, Physics, Chemistry), Social science (Geography, Religious Education, Social knowledge), Swedish, Crafts, it is apparent that Sweden was ahead of many other countries in regard to modern democratic values, such as gender equality, environmental concern, and inclusion of migrants. Korea had yet to be transitioned from a military dictatorship to a full democracy (Clark, 2000) and while Korea has focused on extended gender inequality since the 1990s many striking gender differences remain (Kim, 2010).
Nonetheless, assuming that Sweden has gradually become less authoritarian – and it certainly has (e.g., Richardson, 2010) – it is apparent that the curricular language has changed. For instance, Lgr 80 (p. 16) stresses, ‘Skolan skall fostra’, in which the word ‘fostra’ might be translated as ‘to foster’, which has more traditional-authoritarian connotations than the terms used in Skolverket (2018). As will be underlined below, Skolverket (2018) is knowledge and value oriented. However, this was already the case in 1980. For instance, the sub-headings ‘Kunskaper och färdigheter’ (Knowledge and skills, p. 14) and ‘Fostran och utveckling’ (Fostering and development) and the related content clearly demonstrates this. In that regard, the Swedish education system has ‘stagnated’ as it already had laid out the foundations about 40 years ago. There are some differences, however, such as the emphasis on a detailed description of the typical school day, elements lacking in Skolverket (2018). This is a typical formulation in Lgr 80 (p. 21): ‘The school day shall include time for relaxation and rest. All do have a need to under controlled conditions speak to each other about experiences and events as well as to think and process experiences in peace and quiet.’
Mathematics (Sweden)
Mathematics does also underline the significance of everyday life and concrete experiences. Problem solving is likewise emphasised (Lgr 80). In Lgr 80, mathematics comprises problem solving, basic arithmetic, real numbers, percent, geometrical relationships, algebra and basic functions, statistics and probability theory, computer use and computer learning. Compared to other subjects, mathematics covers ten pages (Lgr 80, pp. 98–107). Thus, the syllabus is rather comprehensive, advanced, and detailed. Mere computer use signifies a striking difference between Sweden and Korea as these contents were not mentioned in NCIC (1981).
At the time, Korea was still relatively poor compared to Sweden (KDI, 1978) whereas Sweden – unlike the Korea – was already a full democracy and had ensured a sufficient level of educational quality. Furthermore, Sweden has never had any entrance exams related to secondary schools in the first place, although it had always had school grades as means for students to enter upper-secondary and/or tertiary education (Richardsson, 2010). Thus, the ‘developmental lag’ (e.g., te Nijenhuis et al., 2012) is palpable: Sweden, at that time, could focus on specific descriptions and prescriptions while Korea had to prioritise basic structural reforms and quality improvements. Whereas the Americanisation of Korea’s education system has been an ongoing process since World War II (Kim, 2010), the contextual conditions were quite different in comparison to wealthy Western nations and Japan (Chang, 2010).
Curriculum contents in Korea and Sweden (2018)
Directions and values (Korea and Sweden)
Within the first pages of the ‘School Curriculum of the Republic of Korea’ (MEK, 2017) and the Swedish counterpart, ‘Curriculum for the Compulsory School, Preschool Class and School-age Educare’ (Skolverket, 2018), knowledge and democracy are mentioned multiple times and appear to have salient positions. Perhaps knowledge is such a basic concept that it becomes trivial, but to which degree it is emphasised and in connection to what other discursive elements matter. Moreover, in the first paragraph Confucianism is underlined, ‘Education held an important place in Korea’s Confucian tradition, which reveres learning. Parents’ interest in and passion for their children’s education was tremendous.’ ‘Was’ implies that Confucianism does not perhaps longer play an important role in Korea; the country has transitioned into a post-Confucian state (Baker, 2008), although with some continuity between the past and present (Shin, 2011). However, equity and compensatory measures to handle underachieving students are also underlined:
The Basic Academic Skills Diagnosis-Adjustment System, which seeks to detect underachieving students early and give them support, was expanded to cover school years one to ten from its original range of three to nine years. Under this system, a support group is set up in school to provide assistance to underachieving students. These underachieving students first receive diagnosis of their learning difficulties and then are given consulting and coaching to improve their learning outcome. (MEK, 2017)
The Swedish syllabus includes Art, English, Home and consumer studies, Physical education and health, Mathematics, Modern languages, Music, Science (Biology, Physics, Chemistry), Social science (Geography, Religious Education, History, Social knowledge), Swedish, Crafts, and Technology (Skolverket, 2018). Because Imsen, Blossing, and Moos (2017) emphasise that the curriculum reform in Sweden, launched in 2011, is knowledge oriented, one may suspect that themes like knowledge and skills will be repetitiously underlined throughout the document. Indeed, Skolverket (2018) is entrenched by the concept of knowledge, although often interrelated to themes such as values, skills, and individual experiences (e.g., ‘can consciously determine and express ethical standpoints based on knowledge of human rights and basic democratic values, as well as personal experiences’, 10). In the revised Lgr 11 (Skolverket, 2018), the fundamental values and goals are presented:
The school should stimulate pupils’ creativity, curiosity and self-confidence, as well as their desire to translate ideas into action and solve problems. Pupils should have the opportunity to take initiatives and assume responsibility, and to develop their ability to work both independently and together with others. An environmental perspective provides opportunities not only to take responsibility for the environment in areas where they themselves can exercise direct influence, but also to form a personal position with respect to overarching and global environmental issues. (…) It is important to have an international perspective, to be able to understand one’s own reality in a global context and to create international solidarity, as well as prepare for a society with close contacts across cultural and national borders. (Skolverket, 2018, p. 8)
One may therefore assert that the Swedish national curriculum is knowledge and value oriented.
The general educational objectives in Korea are to develop individuality in order to foster a ‘well-rounded character’; demonstrate creativity with a solid foundation in basic knowledge and skills; to explore career paths on the basis of broad intellectual faculties; to create new values which hinge upon the national culture; to contribute to the community through democratic citizenship (MEK, 2017). The goals in middle school education are to promote a well-balanced development of mind and body; help students foster problem-solving skills for learning and everyday life and to equip them with the ability to express thoughts and feelings; to inculcate national pride; and to cultivate an understanding of fundamental values and democratic principles. The ten main subjects in middle school are Korean language, Moral education, Social studies, Mathematics, Science, Practical studies, Technical studies/home economics, Physical education, Music, Art, and Foreign language (English) (NCIC, 2009/2015).
Mathematics (Korea and Sweden)
In regard to mathematics, the Korean 2009/2015 mathematics curriculum for middle school level comprises five content domains: Numbers and Operations, Variables and Expressions, Functions, Probability and Statistics, and Geometry. Further:
In the secondary school Mathematics Curriculum, the content is also comprised of five strands: numbers and operations, variables and expressions, functions, probability and statistics, and geometry. In the `numbers and operations` strand, including the concepts of sets, integers, rational and irrational numbers, and approximate values are dealt with. In the `variables and expressions` strand, including the concepts of polynomials, the interpretation and application of the four fundamental rules of arithmetic, and the contents of linear equations and inequalities, simultaneous linear equations and inequalities, and quadratic equations are presented. In the `functions` strand, the contents of the concepts of linear and quadratic functions and their applications are presented. In the `probability and statistics` strand, including the basic meaning of probability, the contents of frequency distribution, representative values, and the measure of dispersion are included. In the `geometry` strand, the contents of understanding and proof of the properties of basic figures, the understanding of the Pythagorean theorem and its application, and the concept of trigonometric ratios are presented. (NCIC, 2015b)
This appears similar to the 1981 curriculum, although with less content saturation.
The Swedish mathematics curriculum in relation to grade 7–9 underscores understanding and use of numbers, algebra, geometry, probability and statistics, relationships and change, and problem solving (Skolverket, 2018, pp. 59–60). Thus, in this regard Lgr 80 and Lgr 11 are strikingly similar, as if Skolverket had travelled back three decades in time in order to find inspiration. On the other hand, ‘huvudräkning’ (mental arithmetic) and ‘överslagsräkning’ (rough estimate counting) are emphasised in Lgr 80 but not in Lgr 11, whereas the latter accentuates mathematics understood in various cultural and historical contexts. Thus, some diachronic differences are manifested.
Key Similarities
Some of the major similarities between Korea and Sweden are the focus on knowledge and skills, democratisation, internationalisation, equity, and subject content. Both curricula emphasise the importance of creativity and confidence, problem-solving skills, and mathematical knowledge. The values and multi-faceted curricula contents appear to reflect a modern humanitarian discourse, although the element of national pride in Korea may reflect a hybrid discourse (humanitarian-nationalist) which in part is associated with a patriotic American influence (Kim, 2010). For instance, the Swedish curriculum says, ‘The task of the school is to promote learning by stimulating the individual to acquire and develop knowledge and values. In partnership with the home, the school should promote the all-round personal development of pupils into active, creative, competent, and responsible individuals and citizens.’ (Skolverket 2018, p. 7). This is quite similar to Korea’s general guidelines. Indeed, Korea’s curriculum has become more cosmopolitan since 1981 (Kim, 2019; Jho, 2017).
A school factor that lends support to convergence is that Korea’s school classes have decreased from almost 70 pupils per class in the mid-1970s (KDI, 1978) to less than 30 in 2017, while Sweden has about 20 (OECD, 2018). Whereas Sweden had large classes in the past this was not the case in the 1970s (Richardsson, 2010). On the other hand, Korea had only about 170 school days in 1981 compared to 190 in 2018 (OECD, 2018, p. 347). However, whether this reflects a specific school development factor, or a macro-economic development process is difficult to disentangle as these might be parallel courses (Carnoy & Rhoten, 2002).
Key differences
A value-related difference is that Skolverket (2018) stresses its Judeo-Christian heritage and Western humanism, while only Confucianism is mentioned in a similar regard in the Korean counterpart. This is because Christianity and humanism are more recent phenomena in Korea (Baker, 2008) while deeply rooted in Sweden (Richardsson, 2010).
Subject-wise, in Korea mathematics is divided into algebra and geometry, whereas in Sweden they are integrated into a singular subject. The mathematics content appears to be slightly more advanced in the Korean curriculum (see Table 2), which we interpret as partial evidence against subject-specific convergence (i.e., Korean mathematics remains more advanced relative to Sweden). Moreover, the Korean curriculum underscores that the use of calculators in the classroom is prohibited, which may foster greater arithmetic skills. These may be somewhat useful in relation to for instance PISA tests. Another difference is that mathematics in Sweden, similar to American textbooks (Kang & Choi, 2018), emphasise everyday life and reasoning rather than pure theoretical knowledge. When contextualising these findings in relation to the broader social and educational contexts, it is notable that when measured around 2009 Koreans spend almost twice as many hours on schoolwork (regular school, homework, and cram schools) compared to Swedes (Ahn & Baek, 2012; Sweden Statistics, 2015). Thus, this particular difference has diverged over time, at least until 2009.
Furthermore, ethics and hanja are not part of the Swedish equivalent, although some schools offer basic Chinese (Skolverket 2018, pp. 69–72) and ethics are sometimes implemented in Religious Education or within the other subjects (Sporre, 2019). Moreover, Moral Education (ME) is not included in the Swedish curriculum, at any level of the education system. Perhaps ME has assisted in the inculcation of character skills to a greater degree than in the Swedish population.
Moreover, character plays a more dominant role in the Korean curricular discourse. While the emphasis on a well-rounded personality is present in both the Korean and Swedish versions, character specifically is more frequently evoked as a theme at the middle school level in Korea. The word ‘character’ – either as a singular word or as part of character education or character-building – is mentioned 30 times in the section which treats middle school education but not once in the Swedish document. This points to inspiration drawn from influential education economists such as James Heckman (e.g., Heckman, Stixrud, & Urzua, 2006). On the other hand, Skolverket (2013) underlines similar vocabulary and research, but that report is not a part of the education policy (i.e., national curriculum). Thus, while character skills have been noticed by Skolverket it has not (yet) been implemented in the national curriculum.
1. In the original document, the term ”sirŏp” is used, and it shall not be confused with the subject of business administration, i.e., kyŏngyŏnghak.