2.1 Disaster impact: A perspective from human mobility
Resilience and vulnerability reflect two connected but different approaches to understanding the response to disasters. Within the field of disaster management, many organizations and institutions have defined the concept of resilience. For example, National Research Council (2012) defined that “resilience is the ability to prepare and plan for, absorb, recover from, and more successfully adapt to adverse events.” Similarly, the United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction (UNISDR, 2011) has defined resilience as “the ability of a system, community or society exposed to hazards to resist, absorb, accommodate to, and recover from the effects of a hazard in a timely and efficient manner.” Moreover, when applying the concept of resilience, the adaptative capacity and recovery capability have been used by global government organizations and research institutions the International Panel on Climate Change (Field et al., 2012), the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (United Nations, 2013) and Asian Development Bank (ADB, 2013), and the Department for International Development (UK) (DFID, 2011). Moreover, a growing number of scholars also highlighted the capacity to sustain the current state and recover from disasters (e.g., Cutter et al., 2008; Longstaff, 2005; Pasteur, 2011; Pelling, 2003; Twigg, 2007). Comparatively, vulnerability is more focused on the susceptibility to be disrupted by disasters, while resilience largely relies on a community’s adaptative and recovery capacity to withstand disasters (Manyena, 2006). Therefore, in brief, vulnerability is grounded in the existing conditions that are susceptible to disasters, while resilience reflects the community’s adaption capacity to withstand external stressors, such as disasters. While the focuses are slightly divergent, Cutter et al. (2008) suggested that vulnerability and resilience are not mutually exclusive and because they have overlapping. For example, a family has a house within a high-risk flood zone that makes increases this vulnerability, while they can enhance resilience by purchasing flood insurance to financially recover from the disaster (Yuan et al., 2021a).
Assessment methods of vulnerability include qualitative approaches (Anderson and Woodrow, 2019) or place-based assessment (Cutter et al., 2003). The Social Vulnerability Index (SoVI) is an additive model reflecting the community’s vulnerability with a set of preselected (Cutter et al., 2003). While the popularity of SoVI, it also receives substantial critiques from the perspectives of validation, scale, disaster context, and so on (Preston et al., 2011; Gallina et al., 2016). For the measurement of resilience, no one-fits-all method exists. Conceptual frameworks of community resilience are abundant and involve a variety of approaches that have been established to operationalize the resilience of communities, regions, and countries. Specifically, the resilience measure can be defined as a set of engineering functionality (Bruneau et al., 2003), community capitals (Miles et al., 2011), community capacity index (Foster, 2012), place-based (Cutter et al., 2010) or pattern-based measurements (Lam et al., 2016). Despite these efforts, the debate on characteristics of the empirical measurement of community resilience is continuing (Cutter et al., 2014; Schipper, 2015). However, these measurements are developed based on the characteristics during non-crisis times, without real-world changes during disasters.
To understand impact in real-world disasters, several studies have applied satellite imagery and aerial images from drones for rapid disaster impact assessment (Akshya and Priyadarsini 2019; Popescu et al. 2015; Qiang et al. 2020; Skakun et al. 2014). Zhai and Peng (2020) applied the Google Street View images to estimate the damage perceived by human eyes. However, these imagery data have some primary limitations, such as their relatively coarse spatial and temporal resolution and higher computation costs. To this end, researchers have examined the effectiveness of community-scale big data in measuring disaster impact (Yabe et al. 2020; Lu et al. 2016). The emerging social sensing technologies and “data for good” programs of some technology companies have increased the availability of community-scale big data (Neelam and Sood 2020), with a fine spatiotemporal resolution of human activities, such as daily activity indexes, transaction activities, and mobility change (Yuan et al., 2021a). Hence, variations in human movability in a community can signal disaster impacts (Yabe et al. 2020; Farahmand et al. 2021). For example, Podesta et al. (2021) explored the changes in visits to points of interest (POIs) during the Hurricane Harvey period and found that such short-term changes can reflect flood impacts. Yuan et al. (2021b) evaluated the impacts of Hurricane Harvey using the changes in credit card transactions. Kryvasheyeu et al. (2016) found that disaster-related tweets can be used to estimate damage in Hurricane Sandy. Using continuous changes of mobility during Hurricane Harvey, Hong et al. (2021) considered community resilience capacity as a function of the magnitude of impact and time-to-recovery and evaluated the community resilience using mobility decrease and recovery rate. Thus, the existing studies have provided adequate evidence that changes in mobility can also provide signals about resilience. Despite these efforts in measuring resilience from the perspective of human mobility, little is known about what factors are correlated with the sudden change in mobility during and in the immediate aftermath of the disaster.
2.2 Mobility change and social inequity
Disasters will generally change commuters’ mobility temporarily due to strong precipitations, hurricanes, tornados, snowstorms, and extreme heat (Koetse and Rietveld, 2009). For example, some scholars found that disasters can cause abrupt decreases in transit ridership and the variation is the largest during weekends and evenings (Singhal et al., 2014; Arana et al., 2014). Singhal et al. (2014) found a modal shift from cars to public transportation during snowstorms. Khattak and De Palma (1997) suggested that this mode switch may be attributed to individuals’ perceptions about road safety or other concerns about disasters (Khattak and De Palma, 1997). In addition to changing an individual’s mobility, disasters can also have an influence on transit system operation by reducing average bus frequency and increasing average headway and trip duration (Hofmann & O'Mahony, 2005). In the meantime, Cools et al. (2010) found that natural disasters, such as snowstorms, can reduce trip distances and a reduction in traffic volumes. Moreover, climate disasters can impact the frequency and duration of an individual’s movement and this effect is the most noticeable during peak hours (Koetse and Rietveld, 2009; Böcker et al., 2013). It is apparent that human mobility can change during disasters. However, reviews by Koetse and Rietveld (2009) and Böcker et al. (2013) argued that the existing studies are fragmented and sometimes contested in how individuals’ sociodemographic factors influence them to change their mobility choices and plans.
The strand of mobility research has shown that, during non-crisis times, an individual’s mobility differs because of social groups and, more specifically, income levels (Pucher and Renne, 2003; Olvera et al., 2004; Wixey et al., 2005). While acknowledging a potential accumulation of social disadvantages, occupations, etc., poverty is commonly considered to have a direct impact on individuals’ everyday mobility (Jouffe, 2019). For example, low-income people have shorter and less frequent trips because they have less access to automobiles (Dargay and Hanly, 2007; Giuliano and Dargay, 2006; Pucher and Renne, 2003). For instance, in the United States, car ownership is significantly associated with income, regarding that 27% of poor families do not have a car while only 2% of rich families do not (Jouffe, 2019), not to mention that the vehicle type, maintenance frequency, and age of the car is also related to income levels (Bhat et al., 2009). These inequalities in daily mobility are highly likely to occur in the poorest communities and minority communities (Priya and Uteng, 2009). During disasters, such inequity in mobility could exacerbate the disaster impacts, indirectly reflecting community vulnerability and resilience (McMahon, 2007). However, in the context of disasters, the association between social inequity and mobility change is yet to be specifically examined. Even though many studies have revealed that poor individuals are more vulnerable to disasters due to infrastructure and warning systems (Sastry et al., 2013; Sawada and Shimizutani, 2007; Thomas et al., 2010), unsafe houses (Cutter et al., 2006), fewer stocks of liquid assets (Wainwright and Newman, 2011), lower perception of the disaster (Lachlan et al., 2009), lack of relief services (Zakour and Harrell, 2004; Elliott and Pais, 2006; Fussell et al., 2010) and so on, the stream of disaster research, usually ignores the inequity of mobility.