Environmental and health policies are often contentious because of the public nature of their effects. Multiple members of society share the same water and air quality, scenic amenity, noise exposure, disease protection, etc. Because it is not possible to control these environmental attributes for individuals, society must decide their optimal levels, and the mechanisms used to attain them. This contrasts with private goods for which the individual can make their own choices. The social imposition aspect of environmental and health policies predisposes them to be contentious because individuals are unable to avoid socially or government-mandated outcomes and/or methods that they may deem to be undesirable. This has given rise to high levels of dissent and protest about policies related to vaccinations, public water-supply fluoridation, and pesticide use, amongst others.
An example is aerial application of 1080 poison (sodium fluoroacetate) to aid achievement of desired conservation outcomes in New Zealand, which is a hotly debated topic, with factions strongly supporting and opposing aerial 1080 use. Concerns have been ongoing – three public opinion surveys between 2001 and 2009 reported a high level of polarisation, with 32–43% opposed to 1080, and 43–52% supportive (Green & Rohan, 2012). Numerous social media groups have formed on both sides of the issue. Both sides frequently frame their positions in terms of warfare, invasion and defence (Bidwell & Thompson, 2015), which highlights the emotiveness of the issue and frames it as an identity-based, deep-rooted conflict for some entities (Madden & McQuinn, 2014).
Large-scale aerial 1080 applications continue after supportive public agency reviews (ERMA, 2008; PCE 2011; EPA, 2013), and the New Zealand government defends its use of 1080 through traditional and social media (e.g. DOC, undated; TBFree, 2018). In 2013, New Zealand’s Parliamentary Commissioner for the Environment recommended reduction of the budget for research into alternatives to 1080 to fund expansion of the land area covered by 1080 (PCE, 2013). Support for aerial 1080 use has come from the conservation and agricultural sectors, a book (Hansford, 2016), and in social media.
Sustained opposition to aerial 1080 occurs via physical and media protests, social media, a documentary (Graf & Graf, 2009) and several books (Benfield 2011, Benfield 2015, Kelly 2020, McQueen 2017, Robinson 2017). Two political parties formed with the primary purpose to oppose 1080 (the now defunct Ban 1080 Party, and the NZ Outdoors Party (NZOP, undated)]. The Ban 1080 Party Facebook page provides links to many anti-1080 media (Ban 1080 Party, 2016).
Several other political parties (e.g., Māori, New Conservative, and the Advance NZ/NZ Public Party coalition) have policies to ban, phase out, or find alternatives to 1080. Before the 2017 national election all three parties that formed the government (Labour, Greens, New Zealand First) signalled desirability of reducing 1080 use. There have been sixteen citizen-initiated petitions to parliament seeking to ban or limit 1080, two of which are current, and none have been successful.
In claiming that vehement opposition to aerial 1080 is “because of the collateral impacts on game animals and risks for dogs”, Russell et al. (2015, p.522) do not portray the full spectrum of reasons for opposition. Human health risks from water or food contamination or ingestion of 1080 dust, are obvious and prominent. Bidwell (2011, p.60) notes “in the case of 1080, it is the public authorities who are seen to be acting in the deviant role by dropping a deadly poison on the land while assuring people that it is no risk to health”. Other objections to aerial 1080 application include (Benfield, 2011; Benfield, 2015; Green & Rohan, 2012; Hansford, 2016; Kelly, 2020; McQueen, 2017; Robinson, 2017):
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ineffectiveness at achieving the stated objectives,
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unwanted by-kill of desired species through direct or secondary poisoning,
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animal welfare concerns,
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adverse effects on recreation,
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beliefs that target “pest” species are not problematic,
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vested interests of the 1080 industry,
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other vested interests, and
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ulterior political motives
These concerns have generated research into alternative pest control methods, such as gene drives, pest-specific toxin baiting, and Trojan females. The alternatives face similar public acceptance challenges (MacDonald et al., 2020; Russell et al., 2015).
1080 is the common name for synthetic sodium fluoroacetate (FCH2CO2Na), an acute toxin that kills through disruption of the Krebs cycle, and is highly effective against mammals (Eason et al., 2017). New Zealand consumes approximately 80% of the world production of 1080 (ERMA, 2008). 1080 is used in Australia and the USA (Eason et al., 2017) but application is limited because of unwanted by-kill of desirable species. Apart from bats, New Zealand forests were devoid of mammals prior to human settlement, significantly reducing (but not eliminating) the potential for undesirable by-kill of native species from 1080 poison.
For the twelve years 2008 to 2019, 600 New Zealand aerial 1080 operations covered 75,150 km2, an average of 6,263 km2 per year (EPA, 2020), which is about 2.3% of New Zealand’s land area. OSPRI (Operational Solutions for Primary Industries) was responsible for most aerial 1080 use, averaging 3,075 km2 per year (49% of the total), closely followed by the Department of Conservation (DOC) (2,974 km2 per year, 47%). OSPRI is the agency responsible for programmes to eliminate bovine tuberculosis, a disease transmitted by, inter alia, possums (Trichosurus vulpecula). The purpose of OSPRI’s aerial 1080 operations is to reduce possum densities to levels incapable of sustaining bovine tuberculosis within the possum population. DOC uses aerial 1080 poison for native species protection by reducing populations of introduced animals, including rats (Rattus spp.) and possums by direct poisoning and mustelids by secondary poisoning. Aerial 1080 advocates claim it to be an effective, affordable tool for killing target species at sufficient scale across difficult country where other methods are impractical or there are no effective alternatives (e.g. DOC, undated; PCE, 2011).
Polarization
Views about 1080 are highly polarized (Wilson & Cannon, 2004). In addition to the evidence cited by Green & Rohan (2012) about the extent of social polarization, 1080-related social media groups typically exclude people with conflicting opinions and frequently engage in ad hominem attacks and ridicule of those holding views counter to their own. Science literacy and education (Drummond & Fischhoff, 2017) and social media (Lee et al., 2014; Spohr, 2017) may influence polarization.
Drummond & Fischhoff (2017) showed trust in science had a highly significant effect on alignment with scientific evidence about six controversial science topics. (stem cell research, big bang, human evolution, climate change, nanotechnology, genetically modified foods). This is important in the context of 1080, because there is a prominent discussion about the trustworthiness of 1080 science (Wilson & Cannon, 2004). Anti-1080 advocates commonly claim that scientific research on 1080 cannot be trusted because the scientists are advantaged by portraying 1080 positively.
Drummond & Fischhoff (2017) identified significant effects of political conservatism and religious fundamentalism on trust in science. Science literacy had significant positive effects for four topics, and general education effects were positive for three topics, whereas science education had a negative effect for climate change. Significant, additional, interaction effects with political conservatism and religious fundamentalism on level of polarization for some of these items signals an important social dimension in personal beliefs. Science denial may arise from layperson naivety based on ignorance, or from well-informed people with specific motives.
The public, scientists, governments, political and religious organisations, industry and the media can all exhibit denialism, which may be associated with world-views such as political and religious convictions and anthropomorphism (Björnberg et al., 2017). Knowledge of and trust in science and educational achievement are related to beliefs in pseudo-science and conspiracy. Fasce & Picó (2019) assessed the role of these items on what they term “unwarranted beliefs”, identifying a strong negative relationship between trust in science and conspiracy beliefs. There was an inverse relationship between both academic achievement in general, and factual knowledge of science in particular, with beliefs in pseudo-science.
Definitions and perceptions about conspiracy differ greatly, and cloud discussion. Conspiracies do occur, so out-of-hand rejection of conspiracy theories is unwarranted, as are generalisations about conspiracy proponents (Dentith 2018, 2020). This is important in the context of the New Zealand debate because some anti-1080 activists view 1080 as part of a conspiracy, a view shared by the New Zealand Public Party (Mitchell 2020). Some pro-1080 proponents either ignore these conspiracy claims, or refute them. We make no judgement on such claims. However, 1080-related conspiracy claims are one-sided, 1080 opponents claim that there is a pro-1080 conspiracy (e.g. Kelly 2020, Robinson 2017), whereas 1080 supporters refute such allegations (e.g. Hansford 2016). Hence, all else being equal, one might expect attributes related to conspiracy theory adoption (lower educational achievement, lack of trust in science, etc.) to be more prevalent amongst those who are anti-1080.
Lee et al. (2014, p.707) note “[t]he structure of social networks is deemed important in explaining attitude polarization mainly because it tends to function as individuals’ information, where various political messages are diffused”. There may be social advantages for individuals from adopting increasingly extreme positions within a group (such as the anti or pro-1080 communities), which constantly moves the group to a more extreme position (Spohr, 2017). This can result in more partisan groups and “people in these extremely homogeneous groups in many instances even ignore facts that would prove their arguments wrong ... [t]he consequences of this process are communities that effectively function as feedback loops or echo chambers” (Spohr, 2017, p.151–152). This situation would diminish effectiveness of the science-based approach the Department of Conservation has adopted to diminish anti-1080 sentiments (e.g. https://www.sciencemediacentre.co.nz/2018/09/05/1080-use-in-nz-expert-qa/).
A second avenue for polarization is the role of selective information consumption (Lee et al., 2014; Spohr, 2017). This can arise from biased information processing (Taber & Lodge, 2006), in which individuals are more receptive to information that confirms their existing views (confirmation bias), or more rigorously scrutinise information inconsistent with their existing views — disconfirmation bias or motivated scepticism (Lee et al., 2014). There may be a tendency for some individuals to receive information that is consistent with, and reinforces, their own views. This phenomenon has been termed the ‘filter bubble’ (Pariser, 2011). Nguyen (2018, p.1) labels situations in which “other relevant voices have been actively excluded and discredited”, ‘echo chambers’.
Based on interviews of people with strong views on 1080 use, Bidwell (2011, p.74) concluded: “Almost all the research participants, no matter whether they were supporters or opponents of 1080, believed that those who disagreed with them were either hiding something, or had closed minds and just did not want to listen to the other side of the debate”. Estévez et al. (2014, p.26) observed that “conflicts arose when decision-making processes lacked participation and transparency, a situation that led local communities to mistrust government agencies”.
Bidwell (2011) notes that both pro and anti-1080 advocates used science to bolster their arguments, and were critical of the science of the other group. These views are consistent with Bauer et al.’s (2007) description of the “Science in-and-of Society” paradigm, which depicts public (mis)understanding of science as a deficit of technical experts. Wilson & Cannon (2004), however, note that some Department of Conservation staff adopt an alternative “public deficit” view. In some cases, anti-1080 arguments are about the quality of the science (e.g., see various posts at https://1080science.co.nz/science-against-1080/, including Pietak, 2011; Pollard, 2017; Whiting-O’Keefe & Whiting-O’Keefe, 2007), whereas others claim that scientific outcomes are predetermined to fit a political, or other, agenda (Benfield, 2011; Benfield, 2015; McQueen, 2017). Neutral and pro-1080 advocates (PCE, 2013; Hansford, 2016 respectively) draw on a voluminous scientific literature to support their position (see Eason et al., 2011; PCE, 2011; Fairweather et al., 2014 for summaries), and they too challenge the motives of those holding opposing views.
Diethelm & McKee (2009) identify common methods to challenge or reject science. These include claims of scientific conspiracy to suppress dissent, use of fake experts and marginalization or denigration of real experts, and selective use of isolated papers or refutation of weak papers to discredit a field of research. Other methods are creation of impossible expectations about the quality of research data, or unrealistic expectations about what research is capable of delivering. Some criticisms employ logical fallacies (which include red herrings, straw men, false analogy, and the excluded middle analogy) and misrepresentation. These strategies are all evident in social media and other debates about 1080 use in New Zealand.
The public can be sceptical of claims of scientific proof. For example, in a recent survey of off-shore island residents’ attitudes to pest management near Auckland, New Zealand, Aley & Russell (2019) found that 22–28% disagreed with the statement “If you are told something has been scientifically proven, you can have confidence in the results”. Interpretation of scientific information can be difficult, with two broad avenues of credibility evaluation: epistemic vigilance (Sperber et al., 2010), which is evaluation of honesty and/or competence of the communicator (the source), or content evaluation. Blancke et al. (2017, p.82) claim; “Scientific beliefs are often too difficult to comprehend for lay people, which makes content evaluation impossible. This leads people to accept, or reject, scientific concepts mainly on the basis of trust”.
Educational achievement, access to information, and political and social alignment are related to science denial and other forms of pseudoscience, and underlying trust in authority, beliefs about conspiracy theories and invalidity of mainstream science often underpin science denial (Blancke et al., 2017; Hansson, 2018; Sperber et al., 2010).
Research objectives
The contentious nature of the 1080 debate raises questions about the prevalence of support for and opposition to use of 1080, and the reasons underlying those positions. Kannemeyer (2017) reports growing opposition to 1080 in historic research, but does not provide recent evidence. Changes in public prominence of the issue, as well as opinions about proposed alternative solutions to it (MacDonald et al., 2020) may have influenced opinions. Anti-1080 sentiment in New Zealand is highly visible. However, tactics to promote the issue, such as a dedicated campaign to inject anti-1080 responses into unrelated media (Donnell, 2018; Peacock, 2018), may mean that high visibility is not a clear indicator of social acceptance. The strength of public opinions on aerial 1080 use, and its prevalence within sectors of society, is unknown.
This paper provides evidence about the level of contemporary support for and opposition to aerial 1080 application amongst the New Zealand public, and the role of beliefs about related factors that influence individuals’ positions on aerial 1080. The preceding brief review suggests individuals’ positions on aerial 1080 use can be affected by their education, social networks, trust of science and/or authority, access to and interpretation of science, and beliefs about the efficacy and effects of 1080. We explore these relationships.
Knowledge of these matters may usefully inform social action to encourage changes in support for or objection to 1080 use. We do not evaluate the merits or concerns about aerial 1080 per se.
The purpose of this research is to:
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Identify the levels of support and opposition in the New Zealand adult population to use of aerial 1080 poison
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Assess the relationship between relevant beliefs, personal attributes and individuals’ positions on use of aerial 1080 in New Zealand.