The findings of the study showed that the respondents were between the ages of 8–17. It investigated the frequency of ever drinking, ever being drunk, predictors of ever drinking and ever getting drunk, reasons for drinking, and the reported effects of alcohol consumption on children. The results suggest that 6.6 percent of children (nearly seven percent) had ever taken alcohol. This study's prevalence of alcohol consumption is lower than earlier findings from Ghana (Hormenu et al., 2018; GSS, 2018), Nigeria (Agofure et al., 2020; Alex-Hart et al., 2015), and the United Kingdom (Alcohol Concern and Balance Northeast, 2012). The findings are consistent with prior studies (Agofure et al., 2020; Alex-Hart et al., 2015; GSS, 2018), showing that males had a greater prevalence of alcohol use (7.1 percent) than females do (6.2 percent). This finding contrasts with that in South-Western Nigeria, where more females than males reported having ever consumed alcohol. Sociocultural masculine norms may account for the high rate of alcohol use among the males (Maxwell et al., 2022; Oshodin, 1995).
According to the results, children 14 and older consume the most alcohol overall, showing that children's alcohol consumption increases with age and that adolescents are more prone to use alcohol than younger children. This finding supports earlier research (GSS, 2018; Inchley et al, 2020; WHO, 2019a). The results also indicate early initiation into alcohol consumption as a little over one in five children aged between 8–10 reported having started alcohol consumption. Zucker, Wong, and Puttler (2003) found that children who start drinking very early age (before the age of 12) frequently have a higher risk of developing alcohol problems as adults. Earlier findings also indicates that before age 9, children generally view alcohol negatively and see drinking as bad with adverse effects but by about age 13, their views about it begin to change, becoming more positive as their greatest emphasis turns to be on the perceived positive and arousing effects of alcohol (Dunn & Goldman, 1996). By inference, the desire to indulge in alcohol consumption increases as children mature into adolescence. therefore, requiring the need for early interventions that seek to dissuade children from underage alcohol consumption and prevent future alcohol use disorders in adulthood.
Compared to children in primary school or who were not in school, children in JHS or higher had a greater probability of drinking alcohol. The results indicate that Muslims consume alcohol at a lower rate than other religious groups. This finding supports earlier evidence that people who follow Islam are less likely to consume alcohol (Aboagye et. al., 2021; Luczak et. al., 2014). The restrictions imposed by Islam are a plausible explanation for the low usage among its followers. Regarding the regional origins of the children, the findings indicate that children from the Greater Accra, Upper East, Volta, and Central regions consume alcohol at greater rates, while those from the Eastern, Northern, and Brong Ahafo regions consume alcohol at lower rates.
The majority (63.4 percent) of those who said they had ever consumed alcohol had also experienced drunkenness before. Male children were more likely than female to have consumed alcohol and got drunk, confirming the WHO (2019b) report on alcohol consumption which notes boys to be more likely than girls to report repeated drunkenness in most EU countries. Older children (14 to 17 years) were more likely to have ever been drunk after taken alcohol than younger children (8 to 13 years). Compared to other education categories, SHS/Vocational/Technical/Commercial schools were reported to have a higher engagement of alcohol drinking among the children. Children who identified as Christians, ATR, or atheists reportedly had higher rates of drunkenness than Muslims. The rates of drunkenness are evenly spread throughout the other regions, except for the Eastern, Western, and Upper East Regions, which reported noticeably higher rates.
The findings also highlight that 53.5 percent of the respondents were initially introduced to alcohol by friends. This finding is not unexpected given that previous research on underage drinking has shown peer influence as the strongest predictor of young people's alcohol usage (Chikere & Mayowa, 2009; Laibson, 2001; Marie, 2001). Nearly one in five respondents stated that older members of their families were first to introduce them to alcohol, thus corroborating previous research (Maxwell et al., 2022; Oshodin, 1995). The study also revealed that 17.1 percent of respondents had their first drink at social events such as festivals, weddings, and funerals (Kafuko & Bukuluki, 2008). A little more than one in ten of the children reported taking alcohol the first time in drinking bars, which is reportedly typical among minors who reside in rural areas (Dixon & Chartier, 2016; Donath et al., 2011).
This study's findings of the respondents drinking alcohol as part of their peer or social circle culture or (32.1 percent) confirm earlier findings that children are easily influenced by the attitudes and actions of their friends and peer groups (Chikere & Mayowa, 2009). It is conceivable that once a child in a group introduces alcohol, the other group members might be persuaded to sample it out of curiosity and adventure. A little over one in five (21.6 percent) cited boosting their self-confidence as their primary motivation for drinking. Almost two out of ten children (18.6 percent) drink to increase their appetite before meals, while 12.0 percent use alcohol as a medication. It is not surprising that some children said they use alcohol to increase their self-confidence, whet their appetites, or medications because many people—including children enticed or persuaded to drink alcohol as a result of media advertisements touting the perceived advantages of doing so (DiClemente et. al., 2009).
Furthermore, 7.5 percent said that they consume alcohol as part of routines in their communities or at homes, corroborating earlier work (Kafuko & Bukuluki, 2008). Although it was the least common reason for the children to drink alcohol, a percentage of slightly more than five percent said that they do so to forget their worries. This was to be expected because drinking to ignore troubles is a common justification given by most alcohol consumers, therefore it was quite acceptable for the children to give the same justification. Overall, the reasons given by children for drinking alcohol are like those usually given by most adults. This may imply that the reasons both children and adults use alcohol are comparable. The idea that children's transition from childhood to adulthood reflect comparable characteristics may possibly account for the similarity in the reasoning (DiClemente et. al., 2009). Therefore, there is clear grounds to engage both adults and children when sensitizing the public about the consequences of taking alcohol, although the strategies for doing it may vary in contents and substance.
The reasons children offered as the perceived effects of alcohol consumption include alcohol causing poor school performance, leading to engagement in misconduct, accidents, and deaths, making people confident, forget their worries, and increasing their risk of disease infection. In essence, many of the justifications offered bothers on deviant behavior, actions that result in accidents or fatalities, and false beliefs about alcohol intake. It seems however clear although there were few of the children with misconceptions, many of them were aware of the negative consequences of taking alcohol. As a result, it seems to be important to keep up public education on the negative consequences of underage alcohol usage, and the misconceptions about it in communities, religious settings, and educational facilities.
The study ascertained whether government has measures in place for regulating alcohol sale and consumption to children. The results findings show that there is a legislation, national alcohol policy, and institutions in place with mandates to minimize the detrimental effects that alcohol usage has on individuals, families, and society. However, official reports from the KIIs indicate that despite the existence of law, a policy and national machinery, it is still difficult in some parts of the country to prevent the sale and consumption of alcohol by children. The findings further show that certain alcohol sellers and owners of drinking bars in rural communities do not apply rules and regulations that forbid selling alcohol to minors. Owing to this child are free to enter bars and purchase alcohol without restrictions.
The qualitative results indicate that some children in certain rural areas abuse alcohol resulting in their becoming disrespectful, violent, rebellious, and lawless. According to earlier works, early signs of alcoholic behaviour in the future include rebelliousness (Brook et al., 1995), excessive violence that results in harmful situations (Jones & Heaven, 1998), unruliness, and disrespect for authority (Colder & O'Connor, 2002; Moss & Kirisci, 1995). Inferring from the results a significant number of children in rural areas and areas where children exhibit such traits are likely to face situations of young people becoming adults with alcohol problems.
Limitations of study
This study has some limitations regarding the measurement of the prevalence of reported alcohol use. First, children were asked if they had ever consumed alcoholic beverages, and ever experience drunkenness after consuming alcohol. Since underage alcohol consumption is perceived to be a deviant behavior and illegal for persons below 18 years, children may underreport their experience. Second, the study was cross-sectional so causality cannot be established between the dependent and independent variables. The strength of this study is that it used a nationally represented data to examine children’s consumption of alcohol, reasons why children consume alcohol, and what they perceived to be the effects of taking alcohol.