Immediate Socio-Economic Impacts of Mindoro Oil Spill to Fisherfolk in Naujan, Philippines

doi:10.21203/rs.3.rs-2828018/v1

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Research Article

Immediate Socio-Economic Impacts of Mindoro Oil Spill to Fisherfolk in Naujan, Philippines

https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-2828018/v1

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published 31 Aug, 2023

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In February 2023, an oil tanker carrying 5660 bbl. of industrial fuel oil sank off Naujan in the Philippines causing an oil spill in the waters of Oriental Mindoro and nearby provinces. The disaster affected fishing communities as well as marine ecosystems including the Verde Island Passage, which is at the "center of the center of world's marine biodiversity". This study assesses the immediate social and economic impacts of this oil spill on various communities of Naujan coast. We conducted semi-structured interviews and employed a narrative analysis to explore the lived experiences of the fisherfolk on the oil spill and to understand its socio-economic impacts. With the prohibition of fishing and other aquatic activities, participants lost up to USD 1300 of income per week from fishing. The participants had no other source of income due to the lack of other skills or the opportunity for alternative livelihood in the community. While the government provided food packs and financial assistance, participants found these insufficient to sustain the basic family needs including food, utilities, education, and health. Traces of oil were also found in the sources of potable water affecting their daily household activities. The fisherfolk, which are communities vulnerable to natural and man-made hazards, had their subsistence, food security, and human well-being highly compromised. The findings provided recommendations for government interventions to mitigate the impacts of an oil spill and other future disasters, considering social, economic, and human ecological perspectives.

disaster management

socio-economic impacts

fisherfolk

lived experiences

mitigation

oil spill

The global need for petroleum surged during the Industrial Revolution as a more convenient source of energy than wood and coal. Since then, the increasing demand for its refined products created a worldwide system of value-chains from oil wells, pipelines, ships, and refineries. While there is a remarkable decline in oil spillage to the sea (ITOPF 2022) due to stricter measures set by the International Convention for the Prevention of Pollution from Ships in 1973 as modified by the Protocol of 1978 or "MARPOL 73/78" (Bergesen et al. 1998), the pollution hazards of tankers and pipelines, carrying hundreds of thousand tons of oil remain. In the last five years, the most notable oil spills include China in 2018 (Chen et al. 2020; Yin et al. 2022), Russia in 2020 (Bezmaternykh et al. 2021; Taran et al. 2021), Mauritius in 2020 (Rao et al. 2022; Naggea et al. 2023), Venezuela in 2020 (Grubesic & Nelson 2022; Caporusso et al. 2022), Peru in 2022 (Osorio et al. 2022; Salcedo et al. 2022), and the most recently in the Philippines in 2023 (NOAA 2023; PNA 2023a). Despite the numerous studies conducted to evaluate the socio-economic and environmental impacts of oil spills, a comprehensive analysis of the immediate and long-term effects from human ecological perspectives remains challenging.

Oil spill disasters affect various components of human ecological systems. Lingering oil can cause adverse impacts on the environment and natural resources, particularly in sheltered areas of estuaries, deltas, fine-grained wetlands, and coastal ecosystems (Little et al. 2021). Sensitive habitats such as coral reefs, mangroves, and salt marshes could be at great risk of oil contamination (Asif et al. 2022). Oil is most likely persistent and toxic, affecting biodiversity, ecological succession, and bioaccumulation (Little et al. 2021). The polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAH) in oils affect multiple biological systems in fishes including cardiac function, cholesterol biosynthesis, peripheral and central nervous system function, the stress response, and osmoregulatory and acid–base balance processes (Grosell & Pasparakis 2021).

From a socio-economic perspective, economic impacts include the cost of clean-up, compensation, and damages to agricultural lands, fishery, and wildlife, while social impacts include community conflicts, violence, and frustration leading to militancy, reduction in tourism and hospitality industries, prostitution, and decreasing cultural values (Okonkwo 2014). Abert et al. (2018) reported that the oil spill in Nigeria resulted in losses of jobs from tourism such as local feasting, swimming, and fishing festivals. People were physically, mentally, and emotionally frustrated, leading to segregation, enmity, and lack of trust and transparency between communities and oil multinational cooperation, which has greatly influenced restiveness (Albert et al. 2018). In another study, De Oliveira Estevo et al. (2021) found that, although fish catches did not decline during the period of the oil spill in Brazil, fish sales were strongly affected due to the concerns of consumers about ingesting contaminated fish. Ribeiro et al. (2021) estimated losses of 0.77% for food services production, along with a 0.66% reduction in accommodation services, and a 0.90% loss in fishing. Additionally, tourism-related services concentrated in the coastal areas were also affected. Ferreira et al. (2022) supported these claims and found a reduction in revenue and income in the lodging and food sectors, while more striking impacts were identified on artisanal fishing and beach vendors, who are known to be more socially vulnerable. In terms of health, Bruederle & Hodler (2019) found that oil spills that occur before conception increase neonatal mortality by 38.3 deaths per 1,000 live births, corresponding to a 100% increase in the sample mean across girls and boys, socio-economic backgrounds, and locations. These studies established that oil spill disasters could, directly and indirectly, affect several communities, societies, and ecological systems in different aspects.

On February 28, 2023, an oil tanker MT Princess Empress carrying 5660 bbl. of industrial fuel oil sank off Naujan, Oriental Mindoro while en route to Iloilo from Bataan province after its engine overheated. The partially submerged tanker sank about 389 meters below the surface (NOAA 2023). As shown in Fig. 1, the vessel has resulted in an oil spillage on multiple areas and shorelines in the waters of the province of Oriental Mindoro and nearby provinces. The disaster affected fishing communities, marine protected areas, and ecological sanctuaries (NMPDO 2023). Along this area lies the Verde Island Passage, which is a global center of marine biodiversity (Gevaña et al. 2022).

As of 17 April 2023, the oil spill affected 178,306 individuals from 37,871 families with 208 casualties according to National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council (NDRRMC 2023). It affected not only those directly involved in fishing, but also those who depend on marine resources indirectly, such as wholesalers, vendors, and tourism operators. There were 16,930 affected fisherfolk and farmers amounting to USD 5.27 million of agricultural damages (NDRRMC 2023). Various government agencies are continuously working to monitor and control the spillage while providing various kinds of assistance to the affected communities such as the Philippine Coast Guard (PCG), the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR), the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD), the Philippine National Police (PNP), and the Philippine Army. The province also received technical assistance and supplies from Japan, France, the United Kingdom, the United States, and South Korea (PNA 2023a). According to NDRRMC (2023), the cost of assistance provided is estimated at USD 4.28 million as of 8 April 2023.

Currently, the immediate socio-economic impacts of the oil spill on fishing communities have not been studied yet. This study aims to bridge this gap by exploring the lived experiences of the fisherfolk during the oil spill disaster and analyzing its social and economic impacts. Specifically, this study conducted semi-structured interviews with fisherfolk in various coastal communities in Naujan. A narrative analysis was applied to interpret the participants’ lived experiences during the disaster, and the results were synthesized to analyze the immediate social and economic impacts of the oil spill. This study further investigated the participants' learnings from the disaster that would serve as the bases for government recommendations to mitigate the impacts of the oil spill while providing better social services needed by the particularly vulnerable communities.

Socio-Economic and Physical Profile of the Study Area

Naujan is a 1st class municipality and the largest municipality in the province of Oriental Mindoro, Philippines. According to the 2020 census, it has a population of 109,587 people inhabiting a total land area of 52,804.15 hectares, which has significant geological, environmental, historical, and cultural features. It comprises 70 barangays with 33 barangays having households that are engaged in fishing, accounting for 3.5% of the total household population.

Naujan is situated along the Verde Island Passage, which is the center of Marine Shore Fish Biodiversity. This area is part of the Coral Triangle, a roughly triangular area in the tropical waters around the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia, Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and Timor-Leste, which is considered a rich spawning ground of diverse fish species. As seen in Fig. 2, its coastline spans about 25 kilometers, which is almost 7.3% of the total coastline of the Province of Oriental Mindoro. These areas have their bay – the Buloc-buloc Bay, which is commonly utilized for various recreational activities such as bathing, swimming, diving, family outing, game fishing, etc. Along these areas are the three (3) Marine Protected Areas (MPAs) of Naujan - the 30-ha. Tujod MPA in Herrera, 16-ha. Masaguing MPA, and 72-ha. Buloc-buloc Cove MPA in Montemayor as shown in Fig. 3 (NMPDO 2016).

The coastal areas are fringed by mangrove forests, marshes, seagrass beds, coral reefs, beach ridges, and fishpond areas. According to State of the Coasts of Oriental Mindoro (SoCOM 2015), three species of mangroves can be found in Naujan including Rhizophora apiculata or bakhaw lalaki, Rhizophora mucronata or bakhaw babae, and Sonneratia alba or pagatpat. These provide homes for a large variety of fish, crab, shrimp, and mollusk species, as well as nurseries for many fish species, including coral reef fishes (NMPDO 2016). Beside a stand of Rhizophora Mangroves are seagrass meadows of Barangay Herrera, which serve as nursery habitats and food for some fishes like rabbit fishes, mammals like dragon fishes, reptiles like green turtles, and invertebrates like sea urchins. The SoCOM (2015) also assessed the coral reef and reef fish communities wherein Masaguing and Montemayor were included. It was reported that the Naujan has a live hard coral cover of more than 50 percent, which was considered in good status according to the parameters used. Faviidae or solitary corals are found in Naujan along with Pocillopovidae, Poritidae, and Acroporidae. Meanwhile, several coral predators were found in the area such as Acanthaster planci or crown-of-thorns starfishes and Drupella snails, which feed on coral polyps causing them to bleach and eventually die. Naujan also has an abundance of reef fishes including the families of Pomacentridae, Scaridae, Siganidae, Lethrinidae, and Acarithuridae that can be found both outside and inside the MPAs.

The coastal areas of Naujan comprise 11 Barangays with a population of 12,260 (NMPDO 2016). From these Barangays, about 778 out of 3051 households are engaged in fishing. The most common species caught were mackerel, tuna, anchovies, sardines, grouper, roundscad, kitang, mullet, and other similar fish species (NMPDO 2016). In the last decade, the average annual fish catch ranges between 163–220 thousand mt. In 2022, the total fish production was 147,963.59 mt, which is 9.48% lower than the 2021 production (NMPDO 2023). The decreasing production was attributed to illegal fishing activities like electrofishing and dynamite fishing, entering of large fishing vessels from other areas to areas covered by the municipal water, destruction of spawning grounds for fishery resources due to mangrove deforestation or degradation, deforestation-induced soil erosion that damaged estuarine and marine organisms as well as coastal coral reefs and aquatic vegetation, and water pollution caused by improper waste disposal from structures and settlements along the coastal zone and river banks (NMPDO 2023; NMPDO 2016).

Another challenge hit the Municipality when MT Princess Empress sank off its coast on February 28, 2023, causing the spillage of 5660 bbl of industrial fuel oil. The oil spill affected marine ecosystems and the livelihoods of fisherfolk in Naujan and nearby Municipalities and provinces. According to the Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources (BFAR), seaweed and fish samples collected from selected areas in Oriental Mindoro and Antique on March 9–10 showed low-level contamination of PAH, which are harmful to humans and other living organisms as they accumulate over time (BFAR 2023). Several local government units (LGUs) prohibited all aquatic activities including fishing, swimming, bathing, and among other activities in the affected areas. This greatly affected the fisherfolk whose daily subsistence depends on fishing. According to BFAR, the fishing sector loses nearly P19 million daily as the Mindoro Oil Spill drags on. Meanwhile, the national government conducted integrated interventions to address the effects of the oil spill categorized into four clusters namely, the logistics cluster led by the Office of the Civil Defense (OCD), food and non-food items by the Department of Social Welfare Development (DSWD), health by the Department of Health (DOH), and search, rescue, and retrieval by the Armed Forces of the Philippines (PNA 2023b). Additionally, various countries also provided technical assistance and supplies in containing the oil spill such as Japan, France, the United Kingdom, the United States, and South Korea (PNA 2023a).

Research Design

This study used a qualitative research design, which seeks to explore the lived experiences of the fisherfolk oil spill and its socio-economic impacts. Qualitative research seeks to contextualize the nature of phenomena and is appropriate to answer questions of why something is observed or not observed, analyzing complex interventions, and focusing on intervention improvement (Busetto, Wick & Gumbinger 2020). Compared with quantitative research, qualitative research does not reduce its material to numbers and variables (Aspers & Corte 2019) but to understand phenomena, explain behavior and beliefs, identify processes, and understand the contexts of the participant’s experiences (Cueto & Agaton 2021). In this study, we referred to our respondents as “participants” as they participated in the research by sharing their lived experiences in an in-depth interview. We only selected a few participants to achieve the depth of information rather than statistical representativeness.

Participants and Data Collection

The participants in this study were 9 fisherfolk, who were affected by the recent Mindoro Oil Spill in February 2023. The data were collected using semi-structured interviews of fisherfolk from various coastal areas in the Municipality of Naujan in the Philippines. The interviews were conducted from April 1 to 7, a month after the oil spill disaster. The selection of participants was done using the snow-ball technique according to the following inclusion criteria: (a) fisherfolk with a primary source of income from fishing or selling fish, (b) livelihood was affected by the oil spill, (c) voluntary participation in the study, and (e) completeness of the reports following two main survey questions and instructions. This study followed the “data saturation” defined by Kyngäs (2020), which refers to the point when the obtained information from participants became repetitive and the researchers would not gain any new information from further data collection. Therefore, there were only a few participants as the data analysis was carried out during the collection process to be aware of reaching data saturation.

The survey questionnaire included the details of the study such as the purpose, anonymity of responses, the confidentiality of the data, and informed consent; personal information of the participants; and five open-ended questions. The questions were validated by the Center for Human Development before the interviews. Free, prior, and informed consent (FPIC) was sought from the participants, which includes explaining to them the intent of the study, their voluntary participation in the study, and how the data collected will be used. Then, the participants were asked to describe their living conditions before the disaster, lived experiences during the disaster and its socio-economic impacts, government and private institutions' responses, skills and alternative livelihood, and recommended government interventions. Specifically, the questionnaire contained the following questions: (1) Before the oil spill disaster, what is your primary source of living, and how much do you earn? (2) What is your experience in the oil spill? What are the immediate impacts on your livelihood, health, environment, mental health, and others? (3) How did the government and other organizations respond to control the oil spill and mitigate its impacts? (4) How do you cope with the impacts? What are your alternative sources of income? (5) Besides fishing, what other skills do you possess and what else do you want to acquire? What suggestions can you recommend to address the oil spill and other future disasters in terms of social and economic aspects? The survey form incorporated encryption codes to anonymize the participants. After analyzing the transcripts, participants were offered the opportunity to review and approve their shared information and experiences. They also received the coded data output for the final verification of the responses.

Data Analysis

This study applied a narrative analysis to explore participants' lived experiences of the oil spill disaster, its socio-economic impacts, alternative livelihood or coping strategies, and learnings from the disaster. Narrative analysis is used to interpret richly detailed lived experiences obtained from interviews or written documents, which goes beyond the description of the text by contextualizing the participant in social and historical terms (Josselson & Hammack 2021). Its analytic framework searches for patterns of meaning in the narratives and reflects on the role of the interpreter, referred to in this study as researchers, in co-constructing the meanings. Therefore, the narrative analysis contains a dual layer of interpretation: first, the participants interpret their own lived experiences; and second, the researchers interpret the participants’ narratives (Cueto & Agaton 2021). Here, the researchers played a crucial role in deciding which stories provide answers to the research question, rather than attempting to consider everything that the participant narrated. Hence, different researchers produce different analyses (Wong & Breheny 2018). In this study, the researchers closely collaborated to analyze the narrative reflections. The narrative analysis of participants’ lived experiences focused on “the story itself” and sought to preserve the integrity of their personal experiences that cannot adequately be understood in terms of their discrete elements. After the analysis, the results were synthesized according to the social impacts, economic impacts, and government interventions to mitigate the impacts of the oil spill.

Neljay: “Immediate action from the national government is highly needed”

Neljay, a 32-year-old fisherfolk from San Jose, is a sole breadwinner of a family with three children. Besides fishing, he also sells his day catch in the neighborhood and nearby communities. From day and night fishing, he can catch between 50 to 100 kgs of fish per week, which can reach up to USD 600 per week during peak seasons.

When the oil spill reached his community, he was deeply bothered about the possible consequences of the disaster to his family. The local government immediately prohibited local fishing as well as swimming and other activities on the affected coastlines. Subsequently, he lost his only source of income and became worried about how to sustain the living of his family. As various offices from the national and local government units provided financial and relief support to the affected families, Neljay received USD 7/day "cash for work" financial assistance as well as food packs from the Department of Social Welfare and Development. However, he narrated that this amount was not enough to sustain his family's needs including the payments for utilities, basic needs, and daily education of his three children.

The local government unit (LGU) and the community tried to address the challenges brought about by the oil spill. The BFAR continuously monitored the water quality and impacts of oil on aquatic resources. The LGU and other non-government organizations provided supplies of personal protective equipment (PPE), as well as materials for making spill booms such as ropes, nets, hays, and buoys. About 139 members of the fisherfolk organization, with the supervision and support of the Barangay government and BFAR, constructed and installed the spill booms along the seashore to control the spread of the oil spill.

Currently, Neljay has no other source of income. He does not have enough skills for jobs available in the community. Yet, he is willing to undergo any training that the government may offer such as welding and other vocational courses. Meanwhile, he is hoping for an immediate response from the national government to control the spread of the oil spill so he can return to fishing. Further, the financial assistance should also include subsidies, particularly to families with school children.

Matt: “Capacitate local communities for disaster response and management”

Matt, 43, is a father of three children. He works as a Councilor in Barangay Melgar B. He does occasional fishing when he is free from the responsibilities of Barangay councilor. With a minimum catch of 5–10 kgs, he only earns between USD 10–15 per catch.

When the oil spill reached their coastline, he was saddened for his family and fellow fisherfolk who lost their livelihood. From time to time, there were oil slicks in the sand along their coastline. He expected that this disaster will have a long-term impact on the environment and eventually affect their source of income and daily sustenance. For instance, he was worried about how to provide for the needs of his family, especially the needs of his two children studying in college including the payment for a boarding house, daily fare to school, and food and clothing allowances. In terms of health, Matt mentioned that the Municipal Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Office (DMRRMO) identified traces of oil in the water from well pumps. This impacts other household activities such as washing clothes, cleaning dishes, and backyard gardening. For other households, this posed a greater problem as some of them get their drinking water from the well pumps.

As a barangay official, he is well aware of the assistance provided by different government and non-governmental organizations to the communities. For instance, the DSWD distributed weekly food packs, the Department of Labor Employment (DOLE) provided USD 7.1/day financial assistance for 15 days period, and a national official gave USD 40 to 500 fisherfolk. One of the tasks for this cash assistance was to create the spill booms and install them along the coastline. Other non-governmental organizations and private companies also donated food packs, rice, medicines, and toiletries. In terms of disaster response, the Philippine Coast Guard continuously monitors any development of oil spills on the coastline. The Philippine National Police, on the other hand, are monitoring the shoreline prohibiting any activities such as fishing, swimming, or eating fish from the sea. The BFAR also monitors the effects on fisheries and other aquatic resources. Concerning alternative livelihood activities, the Department of Agriculture provided vegetable seedlings for backyard gardening to all affected communities.

Besides fishing, Matt possesses other skills that he used as alternative sources of income such as basic carpentry and copra making. If given a chance, he hopes to learn driving, welding, and house tiling from the training courses given by the government. In the meantime, he only asks the government to capacitate local communities to respond and manage disasters such as the oil spill. This includes providing equipment to control the oil spill and other disasters and natural hazards, capacity development training, as well as alternative livelihood activities.

Reagan: “Alternative livelihood over financial and relief support”

Reagan, 29, lives with his partner and 2 children in Estrella. His only source of income is fishing, in which he earns between USD 20 to USD 100 per week depending on the situation in the sea. When the oil spill reached their community, the local government immediately banned all aquatic activities such as bathing, swimming, fishing, and eating anything from the sea. He got depressed and worried as this would result in great losses to his livelihood.

To control the worsening situation, the Barangay initiated the making of the spill barriers/adsorbent with the help of LGU. Reagan mentioned that materials were delivered to their community such as hay, buoys, and ropes. The fisherfolk community worked together to create and install spill booms along their coastline. Reagan presupposed that there were no further harsh impacts in their community in terms of health, environment, culture, and mental health as the oil spill was addressed immediately.

On the other hand, Reagan has no other sources of income at the moment. While the government provided various kinds of assistance, he described that these would not sustain their daily needs in the long run as long as the ban is still in place. Hence, he pointed out that the government should provide alternative livelihood activities for the affected fisherfolk on top of food and financial assistance. Reagan mentioned that he has no other skills besides fishing. Therefore, if given a chance, he wants to take vocational courses or training to be an electrical lineman as an alternative livelihood and additional source of income.

Marjay: “Skilled but no other opportunities in the community”

Marjay is a 39-year-old fisherfolk and vendor with five school-aged children. He and his wife place a great value on their children's education. His wife applied as an overseas Filipino worker more than a year ago to support the education of their firstborn, who is now in her first year of college in a private school in the city.

Before the oil spill, he disclosed that he could catch an average of 60 kgs of fish in a day at a maximum of 150 kgs. He spent about 1 to 1.5 hours in the sea in the morning and the afternoon and took his fresh catch to the market to sell. At 180 pesos per kilo, he earned about 216 USD on a good day and about 80 USD almost daily.

The day after he heard about the incident, the provincial government issued a fishing ban. He immediately felt anxious and thought of his children. DWSD took two weeks to respond. The agency sent relief packages to their barangay and assured them they would send these food packages every three days. The first two packages were delivered on time; however, the third and fourth batches took more than a week to arrive.

With the help of the DOLE's TUPAD program (a community-based package of assistance that provides emergency employment for displaced workers, underemployed, and seasonal workers), the affected fisherfolk like Marjay received Cash for Work amounting to USD 7 per day in exchange for constructing improvised spill booms and joining the clean-up drive. This somehow alleviated his financial problems. According to Marjay, the money his wife sends mostly goes to their children's education. On the other hand, he takes care of their food and other daily expenses. Hence, this amount is better than nothing. But with the monthly utility expenses on their way, he knows this is insufficient.

From his perspective as a fisherfolk for 23 years, this oil spill has truly affected his livelihood. While he understands why fishing is banned until BFAR declares it safe, he continues to express his concern or worry for the well-being of his children. He said, "If not for my wife's work abroad, my family will go hungry."

When asked if he has other skills that can be a source of alternative income until he can fish again, he said that he has other skills like welding, masonry, and carpentry. However, there are no opportunities for this kind of work nearby. For now, he is trying to buy and sell milkfish and tilapia, yet he only earns 8 USD for every 20 kg he buys from pond owners.

Marjay is optimistic that the provincial government and other experts know better than fisherfolk like him in terms of how to mitigate the oil spill's effects. However, he hopes they could expedite the process so they can return to fishing, as this is their primary source of living.

Noel: “The lack of stable income makes life arduous”

Noel, 57, is a father of six children. Originally from Pola, Oriental Mindoro, he migrated to Melgar B, Naujan, more than 20 years ago when he married his wife Sara, a fish vendor. With their youngest child still in college, the couple is now experiencing financial problems since the oil spill reached their barangay's shore, prompting the provincial government to issue a fishing ban.

Losing his primary source of livelihood meant a great deal to Noel as the provider of the family. Before, he earned an average of 40 USD for 20 kg of fish caught daily. While the response team from the Provincial Disaster Risk Reduction and Management (PDRRM) arrived a week after the incident, together with other government agencies like BFAR, DSWD, and DOLE, he feels that the food packages and 7 USD cash assistance are not enough to sustain the needs of his family. Although he is grateful for the presence and constant reassurance of the local government, it still pains him that he cannot provide enough for his family, "The lack of steady income makes life arduous." he said.

Another reason for Noel's distress is that he has no alternative source of income. He knows carpentry but doubts that someone would hire him because of his age. Thus, he hopes the government can provide livelihood programs like animal husbandry or crop growing. As it is uncertain when the fish ban will end, he is willing to undergo skills training for any livelihood program the government can provide.

In addition to all these concerns, the family now pays an additional USD 0.60 per gallon of potable water from refilling stations as the municipal government issued an advisory that water from artesian wells is no longer safe for drinking due to traces of benzene.

Despite all these challenges, Noel is thankful that there are no recorded cases of oil spill-related illnesses in his area. He mentions that the immediate response of the provincial and municipal governments on banning fishing, drinking from wells, and going near the shore made a significant impact on the avoidance of diseases. However, he also hopes that the administration will provide an alternative livelihood that can be a source of income to the people of Naujan while waiting to lift the fishing ban.

Fred: “Hasten the mitigation measures”

Fred is a 35-year-old fisherfolk from Estrella, Naujan, who lives with his three other siblings. Although single, he is the household's breadwinner after being orphaned a few years ago. Before the oil spill, Fred took home an average of 400 USD a week. He used this to support his family's daily and monthly expenses, including food and utilities.

He felt that the oil spill rendered him financially incapacitated as this was his only means of living. While he appreciated the immediate response of the local government and other agencies such as the DSWD, DOLE, PDRRM, and BFAR, he thought that the food supply and the financial assistance worth 7 USD were insufficient to keep his family afloat, especially when this crisis will last longer. He added that they are now purchasing purified water from refilling stations from a neighboring because their artesian well is already contaminated with benzene. Fortunately, according to him, no one from his family or anyone from his barangay contracted any oil spill-related diseases which could worsen their situation further.

While Fred has skills in construction and welding, he had been unsuccessful in finding employment opportunities at this time. Hence, he pleads with the government to hasten the mitigation measures and support their daily needs during these trying times.

Alex: “Consider the elders”

Alex is a 53-year-old widower with four children from his first wife. One of his children finished his education and is currently working in Metro Manila and the remaining three are still studying. He is currently living in Estrella, Naujan, Oriental Mindoro with his three children and his partner whom he did not bear a child with.

Alex is not a typical fisherman who uses a net to catch a large amount of fish. Instead, he uses bait casting methods and usually goes fishing with a partner to none. Typically the best harvest season for him comes between the months of February to half of November. During a good harvest season, he can trade his fish for 55 USD per week and 20 USD otherwise.

Because of the fishing ban due to the oil spill, he lost hope because it was his primary source of income. Before, he was able to secure his family's daily needs and cover the education of his three children. To him, he found himself a burden to his eldest child who is currently supporting him now. He is not able to find another job because of a lack of skills in addition to his old age.

As the founder of a fishermen's group in his area, he also observed a dramatic change in the standard of living of his colleagues. In addition, some sources of potable freshwater were temporarily closed due to the detection of toxic chemicals. There were also sightings of dead fish on shore that added distress to him.

Two weeks after the oil spill, help and assistance came from different agencies ranging from National to Local Governments. Assistance given by DOLE is cash for the work program, and construction of spill booms, which gives him temporary income. While DSWD, the Provincial Government of Oriental Mindoro, and LGU of Naujan extend their help by giving food packages.

Though Alex was uncertain when this disaster would end, however, he was positive that everything would be okay again. He was willing to learn entrepreneurship skills that would fit his age. He also mentioned that there must be immediate action by the government to mitigate and eliminate the problems brought about by the oil spill for them to be back to their normal way of life.

Rollie: “Additional skills provide more opportunities”

Rollie, a husband and a father of a child, is a 54-year-old fisherman from San Jose, Naujan, Oriental Mindoro. He is part of a group that uses the surface gill net method, locally called largarete. His income commonly depends on the condition of the sea that determines the peak (February to November) and off-peak (November to January) harvest season throughout the year. Aside from largarete, he also does side fishing as an irregular crew of scoop net fishing, locally known as gayad. On average, his income ranges around 1,300 USD per week during peak season and 130 USD per week during off-peak season. Though there is a big difference in his income between these harvest seasons, he can decently provide for the needs of his small family.

Mental worry and sadness he felt the moment the oil spill reached their shoreline. He knows that this will momentously affect his foremost source of income. He does not know how to manage his little earnings from trading banana fruit and rice farming. Rollie thanked the government, specifically the DSWD, and LGU of Naujan for reaching out and giving food packs. He also thanked some private individuals, mostly former residents, from their barangay who also lend help by giving the same kind of goods. In addition to food packs and similar goods, monetary assistance was provided through a Senator and cash-for-work program by the Provincial Government of Oriental Mindoro.

Rollie's task on the cash-for-work program was to build spill booms to block and redirect oil from coming to their shoreline. But in his observation, spill booms cannot withstand the waves resulting in additional rice straw waste. Oils that reached their shoreline were collected in a drum which the local government promised to collect, yet no personnel from the municipal government collected it.

In addition to his anguish over budgetary constraints, he is also worried because of observable fish kills on their shorelines. He is hoping that the government will immediately resolve the problem. As an alternative, he is currently focusing on increasing his income by doing manual labor (mowing land and construction helper) but he knows that these opportunities are not regularly. He wishes that the government will also teach more skills for him to provide more services and labor.

Richard: “Solidarity and moving forward is the key”

Richard, 27, is a young fisherman and barangay police officer from Melgar B, Naujan, Oriental Mindoro. He is living with his partner and a 7-year-old child. On average, he earns 90 USD per week from fishing plus his honorarium as barangay police which is around 40 USD per month. Combining these incomes, he can provide necessities for his family including food, bills, and education for his child.

After the decision of authorities to temporarily ban fishing activities in Oriental Mindoro, setting aside his heavy heart, he immediately looked for alternative sources of income. These include rice farming, drying portions of coconut meat, and trading banana fruit. He found it very difficult to generate an income equal to what he was earning before the oil spill disaster because he is not used to performing his current job.

The government reached out after one week after the disaster. Richard received food packs from both DSWD and the LGU of Naujan. Meanwhile, DOLE provided him an opportunity to earn 90 USD for rendering 15 days of manual labor to create spill booms. Originally, this was a 46-day program and Richard does not know when the resumption of this cash-for-work program is.

Richard, with or without the cash-for-work program, is more than willing to serve his community by helping remove spills in their coastline. As a public servant, he is also bothered by observable fish kills. In response, he takes part in voluntary monitoring of spills using small boats which most of the time are financed from their own pockets for fuel expenses. This may be too heavy for him since almost 80% of his income was lost due to the fishing ban, but for him, solidarity is one key to solving the problem.

He hopes that the government will intensify its programs, teach them valuable skills in poultry management, and introduce them to transportation services to generate a decent income. Being weary is not an option for Richard, and this is also his advice to others who are affected. He also suggests that people must learn how to adapt and move forward on their own with or without help from the government.

Perceived Socio-Economic Impacts on Fisherfolk

The recent Mindoro Oil Spill in February 2023 poses potential long-term impacts to several sectors of society. Within a month after the ship sank, the oil spread across the coastline of Oriental Mindoro and nearby provinces damaging marine protected areas, ecological sanctuaries, tourism destinations, and numerous areas where socially vulnerable communities strongly rely on subsistence. Focusing on the Municipality of Naujan where MT Princess Empress sank and with fisherfolk who were directly affected by the disaster, we demonstrate the socio-economic impacts of the oil spill on the targeted participants. The summary of themes generated is summarized in Table 1.

Fisherfolk reported their income loss as the main effect of the oil spill. Before the incident, participants earn between USD 10 to USD 1300 per week depending on the type of net fishing (along the shore, with a small boat, or with a commercial boat), frequency (once a day, or twice), and season (peak from February to November, or off-peak from November to January). When the vessel sank on February 28, 2023, the government prohibited all types of aquatic activities along the coastline. This implied the loss of livelihood to fisherfolk, whose only source of income is fishing. This result supports previous claims that oil spills caused fish kill and degradation of crops as well as loss of farmlands and viable rivers for fishing activities leading to the loss of livelihood of fisherfolk (Elum et al. 2016; Eriegha & Sam 2020). In another study, De Oliveira Estevo et al. (2021) found that, although fish catches did not decline during the period of the oil spill, sales decreased by more than 50% for all types of fishing due to campaigns against the consumption of seafood as well as the lower prices paid to fishermen. This contradicts our findings as the participants rarely have an extra source of income and limited job opportunities in their communities, hence, the banning of fishing resulted in a total loss of income.

Table 1

Summary of Immediate Socio-economic Impacts of Oil Spill to Fisherfolk
Socio-economic Aspect	Impact
Livelihood	Loss of income
Mental Health	Anxiety, Depression
Health	Contamination of sources of potable water Contamination of marine resources and decrease food source
Education	Threat of discontinued education for schoolchildren Need for skills training for fisherfolk
Tourism	Loss of tourists and tourism activities
Cultural	Altered traditional fishing practice
Recreation	Banning swimming and other water activities

Participants explained that the loss of livelihood had several consequences. At first, the participants described their anxiety towards the incident. They were worried for their families and communities about how they could sustain their daily living without any source of income. This result supports previous studies reporting increased symptoms of anxiety, depression, and posttraumatic stress from the Gulf Oil Spill (Grattan et al. 2011; Hansel et al. 2015; Osofsky et al. 2015). While the government provided monetary assistance in a form of "cash for work", participants complained that this was not enough especially for families with school children. Additionally, utility bills were piling up including electricity and water bills. These were also observed in a previous study that the lack of monetary resources due to a decrease in fish sales from oil spill resulted in restrictions to feeding native families, difficulty in buying basic commodities such as rice, beans, noodles, coffee, etc., and delays or defaults in payments like energy, clothes, and appliances (Araújo et al. 2020). Moreover, the incident made the participants realize the need for skills training to have an alternative source of income in times of disaster, where fishing is not allowed. However, a study showed that the livelihood shift of the fishermen to meet their daily needs was still not sufficient or lower compared with what they earned in fishing before the oil spills. Therefore, solutions required to overcome the impacts of the oil spills are through the distribution of financial subsidies, the protection and care of those impacted by the oil spill, infrastructure compensation, participation in decision-making, and the involvement of the people (Alvernia et al. 2021).

Besides fishing, the government also prohibited other aquatic activities including swimming, bathing, and other tourism activities. This resulted in a decline in economic activities related to the tourism sector of Naujan. During summer vacation and Lenten seasons, Naujan is one of the most popular local tourist destinations from within and nearby municipalities (NMPDO 2016). Additionally, the disaster altered the traditional fishing practices of the communities, which are passed on from generation to generation. Recommendations to refrain from fishing can affect cultural traditions based on these activities (Fernández-Llamazares et al. 2021). Hence, several aspects of socio-economic impacts such as tourism, culture, and recreation were also compromised as a result of the oil spill. These support previous studies, that one of the most affected sectors by the oil spill is food, accommodation, and tourism (Câmara et al. 2021) and that economic losses in tourism might also be due to the perception of oiled beaches, that prospective tourists canceled their trips under the impression that the majority of the coastline was oiled (Nelson et al. 2018).

Meanwhile, the contamination of the potable sources of water and their food sources affected the participants' daily living activities. With contaminated water well pumps, fisherfolk tried to find another source of water for drinking, washing clothes and dishes, and backyard gardening. This implies additional cost (for drinking water) for the family or extra effort in finding a nearer source of water for general use. Moreover, a contaminated ocean implies an additional cost for the food budget, which is free from fishing activities before the oil spill. Oil compounds such as PAH do not pose a direct health risk to human health but via seafood consumption, as they bioaccumulate in living organisms and may become more concentrated along the food chain (Han et al. 2022). At present, there were no reported incidences of health-related casualties from the interviewed communities. This is contrary to several studies showing the elevated risks of heart disease, neonatal mortality, and infant diarrhea (Anyanwu & Lein 2019; Bruederle & Hodler 2019; Strelitz et al. 2019). Fisherfolk attributed the zero to low casualty from the recent oil spill to the rapid response of the government to prohibit the consumption and selling of seafood as well as aquatic activities in the affected communities.

Government Response and Local Reactions

The Philippines is no stranger to oil spill disasters. Between 2000 and 2021, there were 14 major oil spills, of which only 10 were found in the PCG database while the four were retrieved from NDRRMC. Among the most notable oil spills include Guimaras in 2006, Manila Bay in 2013, Semirara in 2005, Iloilo in 2013 and 2020, Cebu in 2013, and Davao in 2005 (Alea et al. 2022). When MT Princess Empress sank off the coast of Naujan, the national government conducted integrated interventions to address the effects of the oil spill into logistics, food and non-food, health, and search, rescue, and retrieval clusters (PNA 2023b).

According to participants, they were actively involved in controlling the oil spill. Various government agencies, international institutions, and private organizations provide the materials and expertise, while the community of fisherfolk helped create the spill booms made from hays, straw, coconut palm, nets, and floaters as well as their installation with the guidance and strict supervision of PCG and BFAR. Sorbent booms are considered a 'first line of defense technology used for containing and minimizing the impacts of oil spills (Pagnucco & Phillips 2018). Natural sorbent materials from waste agricultural products like hay, feathers, corncobs, bark, peat, cotton, kapok, cork, chicken feathers, wool, sawdust, and straw are generally abundantly available in nature, very low in cost or are available for free, biodegradable, and non-toxic, hence, considered environmentally friendly materials available for the remediation of oil (Dhaka & Chattopadhyay 2021).

In terms of support, participants enumerated both financial and material support they received from different government agencies, political personalities, and non-governmental organizations. Providing indirect or direct subsidies to affected families is one of the strategies of various governments to minimize the socioeconomic impacts of oil spills in coastal-dependent communities (Araújo et al. 2020). However, participants revealed that these were still not enough to sustain their living in the long run. Fisherfolks were expecting a quick government response and management of the oil spill as it has not only affected their livelihood but may have a greater effect on marine life, which will ultimately affect their future catch both in quantity and quality of the fish. In this case, the Republic Act 9483, otherwise known as the Oil Pollution Compensation Act, should be strictly implemented. This act adheres to the strict imposition of liability for oil pollution damages, following internationally accepted measures, to protect the marine wealth, the archipelagic waters, and the exclusive economic zone and facilitate prompt compensation of affected communities using the Regional Trial Courts (Congress of the Philippines 2007). The government needs to ensure well-coordinated and efficient measures to mitigate the impacts of such disasters, including assistance programs that can directly address the economic impact on the affected communities, and ensure quick removal of oil slicks from affected areas (de Oliveira Estevo et al. 2021).

Implications on Environmental Management and Disaster Risk Reduction

The results of the narrative analysis of the participants' lived experiences and lessons learned from the oil spill provided several implications for oil transport policy, environmental management, and disaster risk reduction. As reported in a previous study, various factors contribute to oil spill disasters, with human factors playing a major part structurally (Chen et al. 2020). The implementation of more efficient risk management should be considered with a complete incident sequence from causations to consequences of marine oil spill accidents (Li et al. 2022). For instance, pipeline leak risk can be reduced by carrying out risk management strategies such as skills training of operators and regular inspections and maintenance (Li et al. 2022). In terms of maritime traffic safety management, government institutions, and water transport operators should put great importance on the navigation safety of oil transportation and prioritize human resource management over the management of ships (Chen et al. 2020).

With the increase in the traffic of marine navigation across the archipelago, the government and oil industries should have policies and regulations that would prepare and empower the stakeholders to cope with an oil spill disaster. This should comprise of LGUs, civil society organizations, the academe, as well as the private sector following the bottom-up and whole-of-government or whole-of-society approaches. In the case of Mindoro Oil Spill, the Philippine government is applying a whole-of-government approach with the collaborative efforts of different government agencies like OCD, PCG, DENR, DSWD, and LGUs, the academe, and with the help of international experts from several countries such as Japan, France, the United Kingdom, United States, and South Korea (PCO 2023). Since not every country would have expertise in all fields, an international exchange of professional, regardless of whether it is done bilaterally or with UN assistance, provides sustainable institutional and financial arrangements for maintaining oil spill response capacity and facilitate the mobilization of equipment and expertise in the event of an emergency (Hebbar & Dharmasiri 2022).

Furthermore, there is a need for significant investments by the national government, local governments, and private companies in shipping infrastructure, environmental protection, emergency response systems, and capacity-building training (Afenyo 2022). This will capacitate local governments and affected communities to immediately respond to natural and man-made disasters such as the oil spill, without waiting for higher government actions. For instance, an effective monitoring system for oil spills is essential to avoid damage to shorelines, timely oil containment, and the decision to strategize cleanup techniques and select suitable recovery equipment (Asif et al. 2022). Additionally, the use of digital mapping with building vulnerability indices is a step forward in the development of measures to increase coastal community resilience while decreasing the susceptibility to any kind of disaster (Câmara et al. 2021). Of course, it is always a question of whether the government and industry are ready to commit substantial financial resources to a sparsely populated area if such investments would lead to a significant increase in employment opportunities and economic benefits for the local population (Afenyo 2022).

Despite technological advancements and stricter regulations in maritime transport, oil spills still happen and often impact marine wildlife and coastal communities. The recent shipping accident in the Philippines resulted in an oil spill affecting marine ecosystems as well as the livelihoods of fisherfolk, vendors, and tourist establishments in Oriental Mindoro and nearby provinces. This study provided an initial analysis of the immediate socio-economic effects of the oil spill from the perspective of fisherfolk in the affected communities. Applying narrative analysis, this study explored the lived experiences of fisherfolk during the oil spill disaster and its social and economic impacts.

Results found that with the prohibition of fishing and other aquatic activities, participants lost up to USD 1300 of income per week from fishing. This eventually resulted in stress, anxiety, and depression as the fisherfolk were uncertain how to continue their daily living if the prohibitions were prolonged. Most of the participants interviewed had no other skills than fishing, while the rest had skills but no alternative jobs available for them in the community. The government and private organizations provided various kinds of financial and food assistance, but participants found these insufficient to sustain the basic family needs including food expenses, utility bills, education of school children, and health maintenance. The traces of oil found in the sources of potable water and the ocean implied additional costs for drinking water and food expenses, which they only fish for free. There were no reported negative health impacts as the participants believed that the government took an immediate response to contain the oil spill. However, participants expected the government to expedite interventions to enable them to return to fishing. These fisherfolk, which are communities vulnerable to natural and man-made hazards, had their subsistence, food security, and human well-being highly compromised.

Given these findings, this study presents several implications for policymakers in providing better social services and support to the affected communities as well as in mitigating the impacts and occurrence of this type of disaster.

Immediate government response to control the spread of oil spills and reduce its adverse impacts as well as to create and implement its recovery plan.
Creation of an inter-agency task force for a well-coordinated response to address the short- and long-term impacts of an oil spill.
Provide alternative livelihood and other sources of income to the affected communities.
Conduct capacity building and training courses for technical-vocational skills, financial literacy, and disaster preparedness and response.
Stricter implementation of maritime policies particularly on the transport of hazardous chemicals including industrial oil.
Strengthen disaster preparedness and management of oil spills as part of the national disaster management plan.
Consider nature-based approaches in managing coastal communities that would buffer them from the impact of oil spills.

The current study had several limitations. First, the study used a snowball sampling with a relatively small size, which lacked the representativeness of all fisherfolk communities affected by the oil spill. The narrative analysis focused on the depth of the participants’ lived experiences of oil spills and their immediate socio-economic impacts. Hence, the findings should not be used to make generalizations about the entire fisherfolk communities and compare the results across the province and nearby island provinces, different livelihood activities, and the economic status of fisherfolk. Quantitative research is needed to complement this study with more tailored questionnaires and a considerable number of randomly sampled respondents. To make a more holistic approach to the government response to this type of disaster, the perspectives of various stakeholders should be taken into account, including government officials, private organizations, and the rest of the community. Lastly, the study only focused on the immediate socio-economic impacts of the oil spill. Future studies should include the long-term impacts and other aspects including the environmental impacts on water quality and biodiversity, maritime transport policy and governance, as well as disaster response and management to better capture a broader perspective of the short and long-term effects of an oil spill.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare no competing interests.

Ethical approval

All procedures performed in studies involving human participants were in accordance with the ethical standards of the institutional and/or national research committee and with the 1964 Helsinki declaration and its later amendments or comparable ethical standards. All materials and methods are performed in accordance with the instructions and regulations and this study has been approved by the research committee of the Center for Human Development of the University of Science and Technology of Southern Philippines.

Consent to participate

Informed consent was obtained from all individual participants included in the study.

Acknowledgements

The authors acknowledge the support from the University of the Philippines, University of Science and Technology of Southern Philippines, and Mindoro State University. The authors also acknowledge the coordination assistance of Barangay Officials of Estrella, San Jose, and Melgar B as well as information support from UPLB-DCERP’s TAP-HSP-Naujan Planning Assistants: Mary Joy Ancheta, Zyrill Palomares, and Patrick Isaiah Ibara.

Funding

This research received no funding.

Author Contributions

CBA: conceptualization, methodology, investigation, formal analysis, writing-original draft, writing-review & editing, supervision; CSG: conceptualization, methodology, investigation, formal analysis, project administration, writing-original draft, resources; RAL: conceptualization, methodology, investigation, formal analysis, resources, writing-original draft, visualization; AAC: data curation, validation, writing-original draft, writing-review & editing, funding acquisition, resources

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No competing interests reported.

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Immediate Socio-Economic Impacts of Mindoro Oil Spill to Fisherfolk in Naujan, Philippines

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Abstract

Figures

Introduction

Methodology

Socio-Economic and Physical Profile of the Study Area

Research Design

Participants and Data Collection

Data Analysis

Results

Neljay: “Immediate action from the national government is highly needed”

Matt: “Capacitate local communities for disaster response and management”

Reagan: “Alternative livelihood over financial and relief support”

Marjay: “Skilled but no other opportunities in the community”

Noel: “The lack of stable income makes life arduous”

Fred: “Hasten the mitigation measures”

Alex: “Consider the elders”

Rollie: “Additional skills provide more opportunities”

Richard: “Solidarity and moving forward is the key”

Discussion

Perceived Socio-Economic Impacts on Fisherfolk

Government Response and Local Reactions

Implications on Environmental Management and Disaster Risk Reduction

Conclusion

Declarations

References

Additional Declarations

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