To effectively mitigate climate related risks, decision-makers and analysts must first decide what metrics to consider as they rank and prioritize protection projects. Cost-benefit analysis (CBA) remains the predominant decision criterion in applied mitigation efforts and governmental policy writ large.1–6 Many institutions such as the Federal Emergency Management Agency and the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers are required to perform CBA for all flood risk mitigation projects and grants, although FEMA has recently relaxed their cost-effectiveness requirements for marginalized communities.7,8 Typical implementations of CBA treat the direct structure damages avoided over a project’s lifetime as a key benefit, which implicitly prioritizes projects that protect expensive structures. This has the potential to worsen existing social inequity.9,10 Substantial differences already exist between racial and income groups in air quality,11–13 water quality,14–16 and flood risk.17–19 This potential for harm is increasingly salient; the growing adoption of analyses which characterize flood risk at the level of individual structures 20–22 makes it possible to algorithmically design interventions at the level of individual homes which (inadvertently) selectively protect expensive structures, the effects of which may then be masked by data aggregation.23–25 Action to mitigate these outcome gaps or otherwise prevent policy action from worsening them is required as a matter of standing federal policy.26 Practical efforts to reduce these outcome gaps however are hindered by divergent perspectives on how to define and operationalize equity.27–31 This research presents an alternative decision metric from those used in traditional const-benefit analysis which yields improved equity outcomes from the perspective of multiple competing definitions of equity.
Equity, as defined by the federal government, refers to the consistent and systematic treatment of all individuals in a fair, just, and impartial manner.32 The tension between conflicting ideals of equity complicates the design of policies which seek to lessen gaps in environmental risk outcomes. While a wider range of perspectives exist, this work focuses on the tension between deontological egalitarianism and prioritarianism as described by Parfit.33 Deontological in this context refers to the belief that the morality of an action comes from the action itself rather than the consequences of the action. As a consequence, deontological egalitarianism (hereafter referred to as egalitarianism) mandates that each individual is granted equal consideration and individual treatment irrespective of outcomes. Egalitarianism does not hold equality in final distribution of resources, or the resolution of unequal status quo resource allocations as normative aims, although they may be desirable for other reasons. This egalitarian ideal of equity is strongly tied to the notion of procedural justice, which is broadly similar in mandating that people are treated equally34 but relates more to whether individuals perceive allocation process as fair and impartial than to the allocation mechanism itself.35 In contrast, prioritarianism mandates that we prioritize the welfare of the least advantaged members of society in pursuit of more equal outcomes.33 Prioritarianism is strongly related to the notion of distributive justice, which requires that resources are distributed in a way which is fair or just.36 Also relevant is the notion of corrective justice, which holds that if some party is harmed for the gain of another, the harmed party is entitled to restitution.
A natural prioritarian solution to unequal environmental risk outcomes would be to directly prioritize socially vulnerable groups.37 However, this would violate the egalitarian ideal of equity which requires that individuals are given similar consideration irrespective of the status quo resource allocation. An egalitarian perspective may judge the elimination of outcome gaps as a valid instrumental good, but likely opposes explicit prioritization of disadvantaged groups as unfair. An egalitarian perspective might see explicit prioritization of disadvantaged groups as a justified measure of corrective justice under the premise that disadvantage experienced by those groups results from systemic violations of procedural justice. However, recent political trends suggest that many decision-makers in US states threatened by coastal flooding would reject this premise.38–40 A substantial body of research shows that disagreement between prioritarian and egalitarian perspectives on equity hinders the remediation of racial disparities along a wide range of issues.27–31 In order to feasibly mitigate existing disparities in environmental risk outcomes or otherwise avoid worsening those disparities in the near term, it is therefore necessary to develop risk mitigation strategies which do so without violating egalitarian equity norms.
The capacity of CBA to worsen existing socioeconomic disparities and therefore violate prioritarian notions of equity is evident from its core premises. To perform a cost-benefit analysis one first compares the sum total of a project's expected discounted economic (i.e., monetary) benefits to the sum total of the project’s discounted financial costs. One then measures the performance or cost-effectiveness of the project by the ratio of the benefits to the costs.4 As benefits are expressed purely in economic terms, CBA places greater value on the protection of expensive assets than the protection of inexpensive assets. In light of well-studied geographical and racial disparities in wealth,41 it is clear that purely CBA-driven evaluation of protection projects has the potential to neglect historically marginalized communities with lower average building costs.
The severity of economic and racial gaps in environmental risks is starkly highlighted in the flood risk faced by the city of New Orleans, Louisiana. Predominantly Black neighborhoods in New Orleans bore the brunt of lives lost during Hurricane Katrina in 2005.19 Laska and Morrow42 argue that the severity of the outcome of Katrina was in part driven by inequality among racial and income groups. The speed and effectiveness of post-Katrina recovery efforts differed wildly between socio-economic and racial groups in ways that are only visible upon sufficiently granular analysis.43,44 There were substantial racial disparities in immediate post-Katrina relief investments even when controlling for socio-economic status.45 The existing disparities in environmental risk across racial and economic groups and the possibility that CBA could worsen them raise two main questions addressed in this study: (1) How much can a CBA approach worsen these disparities? (2) Can one remedy these disparities in a way that satisfies both egalitarian and prioritarian ideals?
Few studies have compared algorithmic cost-benefit maximizing flood risk interventions with equity-driven alternatives. Those which have either pertain to equity between regions in the design of flood protection structures9 or integrate a Gini coefficient or equity weighting of flood exposure in the design of urban drainage projects or ecological restoration.46–48 Similar studies in the area of water resource management have also used a Gini coefficient or a coefficient of variation of benefits as an equity measure.49–51 These studies consistently find that inclusion of equity criteria in decision-making changes the design of interventions and identify trade-offs between equity and efficiency depending on how equity is operationalized. To our knowledge however, no such study examines flood risk interventions which are made at the level of individual structures. Additionally, every such study examines an equity-oriented strategy which either explicitly prioritizes poorer residents or explicitly targets equal final resource distributions, violating egalitarian norm of granting equal procedural consideration to individuals irrespective of status quo or final resource allocation. This suggests a research gap; if CBA worsens socioeconomic disparities, then there is a pressing need for a method to design flood risk mitigation strategies at the structure level that mitigates the potential harms of CBA without violating egalitarian equity norms.
Recently available methods for characterizing flood risk at the level of individual buildings have increased the scope of potential harm from traditional cost-benefit analysis. Building-level interventions have proven effective in mitigating flood risk,52–55 and the Coastal Louisiana Risk Assessment Model (CLARA) is able to characterize changes to the flood risk faced by individual buildings across coastal Louisiana under a range of protection projects including those at the level of individual buildings.21 It is therefore possible to generate, evaluate, and optimize mitigation projects at the level of individual buildings. A mitigation project which discriminates between individual buildings in risk mitigation naturally carries a far greater potential for inequity than one designed at the level of spatially broad and socioeconomically diverse areas. While to our knowledge no applied flood risk mitigation policies have been implemented to date which were designed using building-level optimizations, it is necessary to investigate the potential equity impacts of such policies before efforts are made to implement them.
Risk Outcomes by Race and Income
This study follows recent recommendations56 to help mitigate inequitable CBA outcomes through the inclusion of alternative decision criteria. This study develops optimally cost-effective flood risk mitigation strategies targeting individual single-family residences for elevation-in-place (i.e., raising the elevation above grade of the first inhabited floor), respectively minimizing expected direct economic damage (DED) as per traditional CBA, and an alternative egalitarian metric, denoted residence loss equivalents (RLE), which treats each home as if it had an identical value or replacement cost. In all cases, this study adopts a 50-year planning horizon when evaluating expected risks. Results show that strategies minimizing the egalitarian RLE are preferable to those minimizing DED from a prioritarian perspective, reducing income-related disparities in mitigation resource allocation and reducing nominal outcome gaps between Black and White New Orleans residents as measured by RLE. This article refers hereon to the DED-minimizing strategy as the “cost” strategy, and the RLE-minimizing strategy as the “housing” strategy.
Our analysis shows that Black residents receive the vast majority of mitigation resources under both the cost and housing strategies because they currently experience the overwhelming and disproportionate bulk of flood risk in New Orleans (Fig. 1). Black residents make up 59% of the population, but residences occupied by Black residents bear 79% of direct economic damage and 88% of residence loss equivalents. Black residents receive 81% and 90% of mitigation resources under the cost and housing strategy respectively. This is – perhaps – counterintuitive given the larger weight more expensive houses receive in the CBA framework and the current correlation between average house price and racial composition of a neighborhood. Our analysis reveals that the existing disparity in flood risks faced between Black and White residents in New Orleans is so overwhelming that Black neighborhoods bear the brunt of the flood risk burden within all considered strategies. This figure does show, however, that the housing strategy mitigates a large portion of the residence loss equivalent damage faced by New Orleans residents overall, thereby reducing the nominal size of the racial disparity in risk to housing (RLE).
Our analysis further reveals that the cost strategy principally benefits households with poverty-income ratio (i.e., the ratio of household income to the US poverty threshold) greater than 2, whereas the housing strategy provides greater benefits to lower-income households (Fig. 1). Taken together, the racial and income distributions of flood risk and mitigation investment show that the question of whether to target replacement cost (via DED) or cost-blind measures of housing risk (via RLE) becomes a question of how to allocate resources between wealthier or poorer predominantly Black neighborhoods, which is made more complicated in light of well-studied wealth disparities between Black and White populations more broadly.57–62
Risk Outcomes by Neighborhood
Assessed at the neighborhood level, predominantly Black neighborhoods visibly bear the brunt of flood risk in New Orleans (Fig. 2). Outside of the Lower 9th Ward, which receives substantial mitigation investment in both the cost and housing strategies, the cost strategy concentrates investment in the predominantly middle-class Black neighborhood of Read Boulevard East, whereas the housing strategy distributes investment across a series of poorer, predominantly Black neighborhoods (Fig. 2, Fig. 3). One such neighborhood, Read Boulevard West, carries an expected 0.35 residence loss equivalents per household under the status quo and receives approximately zero risk reduction along either metric from the cost strategy. Implementing the housing strategy reduces the residence loss equivalents per household by 40% and its direct economic damage by 2%. Conversely, Read Boulevard East sees a roughly 9% reduction in both direct economic damage and residence loss equivalents per household under the cost strategy, and sees a negligible reduction in direct economic damage and 5% reduction in residence loss equivalents under the housing strategy. It is also worth noting that both predominantly White neighborhoods facing substantial flood risk as measured by direct economic damage, West End and Lakeshore, have 100% of their flood risk mitigated as measured by both metrics under both strategies. This indicates that the flood risk in these neighborhoods is concentrated in a small number of expensive structures that are inexpensive to mitigate. Among the other, predominantly Black neighborhoods affected, the cost strategy targets relatively more expensive homes in relatively higher-earning communities while the housing strategy targets less expensive homes in lower-income communities. The distributional equity of these competing allocations remains complicated: each strategy helps to mitigate a facet of the overwhelming risk burden facing Black New Orleans residents.
The tendency of the cost strategy to protect a smaller number of more expensive homes than the housing strategy is observable within neighborhoods as well as between neighborhoods. In the Lower 9th Ward, implementing the cost strategy reduces direct economic damage by 41% and residence loss equivalents by 56%. In contrast, the housing strategy reduces direct economic damage by 32% and residence loss equivalents by 77% while spending fewer resources in the neighborhood. This shows that even within the neighborhood, the cost strategy targets more expensive homes while the housing strategy targets a greater number of less expensive homes.
Intermediate strategies between the cost and housing strategies (i.e., strategies that place some weight on both DED and RLE reduction) perform well according to both metrics (Fig. 4). As preference for the housing strategy increases, residence loss equivalent reduction increases at the cost of direct economic damage reduction. Placing a small but non-zero weight on direct economic damage compared to the housing strategy reduces direct economic damage by an additional 0.5% at a cost of 0.02% of projected RLE. Placing a small weight on residence loss equivalents relative to the cost strategy reduces residence loss equivalents by an additional 4% at the cost of only a 0.04% decrease in direct economic damage reduction. As mentioned above, the question of how to balance protection of impoverished Black communities against protection of accrued wealth within Black communities is complicated considering broader racial wealth disparities. These results show that compromise strategies between targeting monetary and non-monetary risk metrics can be effective in balancing these competing priorities.