Research on the relationship between education and health has originated from the health capital model theory, which views health as a long-term capital stock that depreciates as adults age but can be maintained or grown through various investments (Grossman, 1972). The model views health capital as endogenous and other types of human capital, such as education, as exogenous, thus viewing education as an exogenous investment to explain the positive effect of education on health capital. The health capital model theory assumes that holding other factors constant, an educated person efficiently produces health capital and has increased health capital. Return on the education theory suggests that educated people tend to have high economic incomes, giving them improved health resources and health entitlements, relatively minimally labour-intensive jobs, reduced health attrition and increased opportunities for health (Kemptner et al., 2011).
Bourdieu (1986) sees educational attainment as one of the important forms of cultural capital - institutionalised cultural capital. The Bourdieu’s theory of social practice can be understood as the practice of actors in different positions guided by their respective habitus and relying on the capital they possess (Bourdieu, 1986). According to the social practice theory, educated people have increased cultural capital, increased advantages under the guidance of the given field and habitus and increased practices developed in the direction of their health interests. In addition, cultural capital helps to improve or transform into economic and social capitals. The increase in economic capital helps to obtain improved healthcare services to cope with health shocks. The increase in social capital can increase the source of information channels, helping in obtaining health information, sharing and avoiding health risks and improving the health level (Petrou and Kupek, 2008).
Numerous studies showed that obesity is associated with a variety of chronic noncommunicable diseases and increased health risks, and obesity has been widely used as an important measure of health outcomes in real-world research (Casey et al., 2008). Based on the above theoretical analysis, this paper argues that education can have a negative effect on obesity. Through the above analysis, this paper proposes hypothesis H1:
H1: Education has a suppressive effect on obesity.
Regarding the mechanism of education on obesity, according to the health capital model theory, the inhibitory effect of education on obesity is achieved by increasing the productivity of health capital and reducing the production cost of health capital (Grossman, 1972). In this paper, education is suggested to increase the productivity of health capital from individual cognitive and behavioural factors and has a suppressive effect on obesity. Individual cognitive factors include nutritional knowledge and health risk perception, and individual behavioural factors include diet regularity and physical exercise.
Firstly, education can improve the individuals’ nutritional knowledge and health risk perceptions, which can help to improve their ability to eat healthily and be health conscious. This phenomenon reduces their risk of obesity. Ramirez-Rivera et al. (2021) found that nutrition education programs can reduce students’ BMI. Kaufman-Shriqui et al. (2016) found that a nutrition curriculum intervention can improve people’s nutrition knowledge and change their eating habits, thus increasing food variety and consumption of vegetables and fruits and reducing the consumption of sugary drinks. The above evidence suggests that increases in individual nutritional knowledge may have an impact on obesity through changes in dietary behaviour. In addition, the health belief model theory suggests that people’s risk (perceived susceptibility) and disease severity (perceived vulnerability) perceptions play an important role in predicting a range of health behaviours. People with high perceived health risk are likely to be aware of the severity of the obesity problem and the health risks associated with obesity, maintain a healthy weight and thus reducing the risk of obesity (Champion, 1984).
Secondly, education can also promote a change in people’s behaviour and help to develop good habits, and regular diet cycle and sufficient physical exercise can effectively reduce the risk of obesity (Kemptner et al., 2011). Extremely little sleep and irregular diet can easily lead to obesity (Reyna-Vargas et al., 2022). Adequate sleep and regular eating help in reducing the risk of obesity. In addition, long-term sedentary behaviour and screen time exposure are prone to obesity (Nieto and Suhrcke, 2021). Physical exercise plays an important role in maintaining a healthy weight as a major source of energy expenditure, effectively reducing sedentary behaviour and screen exposure time, and promotes calorie burning in the body, thereby reducing the risk of obesity (Lavie et al., 2019). In summary, this paper proposes hypothesis H2:
H2: Education can have a suppressive effect on obesity through nutritional knowledge, health risk perception, diet regularity and physical exercise.
Obesity amongst Chinese residents shows significant urban–rural differences, with obesity rates rising much faster in rural areas than in urban areas (Bureau of Disease Prevention and Control, National Health Commission of China, 2021). Previous studies examined the heterogeneity of returns to education from different perspectives and found evident urban–rural differences in terms of income level and occupational category (Mohapatra and Luckert, 2014; Zhang and Wu, 2017). Given a clear urban–rural dichotomy in most areas of China, the income and education levels of rural residents are lower than those of urban residents. This difference may have different degrees of influence on residents’ nutritional knowledge, health risk perception, diet regularity and physical exercise. Therefore, urban–rural differences may be present in the influence and mechanism of effect of education on obesity. Based on the above analysis, this paper further proposes hypothesis H3:
H3: The effect of education on obesity and the mechanism of action differs between urban and rural populations.
Obesity in China also shows significant gender differences, with obesity rates and obesity growth rates being higher amongst men than amongst women (Bureau of Disease Prevention and Control, National Health Commission of China, 2021). Although the traditional ideology of “preference for sons over daughters” prevails in China, the return to education is higher for women than for men (Hannum et al., 2013). Empirical studies showed that health awareness and frequency of healthy behaviours of women are usually higher than those of men, men tend to have a higher risk of obesity than women due to more daily work socialising, relatively higher work pressure and work intensity and relatively more unhealthy behaviours, such as smoking, drinking alcohol and staying up late (Anson and Sun, 2002). Therefore, the effect and mechanism of action of education on obesity may be equally specific to gender. Based on the above analysis, this paper further proposes hypothesis H4:
H4: The effect of education on obesity and the mechanism of action differs between men and women.
Combining the above analysis and assumptions, this paper proposes the theoretical logic diagram of education influencing obesity shown in Fig. 1.