As critical milestones in the fight against Climate Change are missed, pressures are mounting to use all available technology options to reduce atmospheric CO21. This includes carbon removal using Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS), a set of technologies aimed at capturing CO2 directly at the point of emission and subsequently transporting it to underground reservoirs for permanent storage. The indispensability of CCS technology is acknowledged by different actors, among others in Europe and North America2,3,4. For example, the European Union (EU) expects that “hundreds of millions of tonnes CO2 annually” are captured and stored by the second half of this century. To use CSS in a cost-efficient way, the EU emphasises the need for alliances that invest into cross-border CO2 transport infrastructure for linking emission sources and sinks through supply chains5,6,7. Yet, previous research has shown that the European and North American public hold overall negative attitudes towards CCS8,9,10,11 that imply strong preferences for storing only CO2 emissions of domestic origin12,13,14. If this position manifests, existing policy plans for cost-efficient CCS and the public acceptance of CCS would move even further apart.
Against this background, we employ a multifactorial vignette experiment to uncover public acceptance with a focus on the perceived fairness of cross-border CO2 transport in five countries. Expanding on previous research14,15,16,17, our experimental design allows us to disentangle the relative importance of attributes of CSS implementation, including cross-border CO2 transport, for acceptance and fairness evaluations. Online surveys (see Methods) were conducted in Canada, Germany, Netherlands, Norway, and UK, that differ in the stage of their public discourse and implementation of CSS. In each country, between 988 and 1,021 citizens evaluated six potential scenarios of CCS implementation in their country. Scenarios experimentally varied seven attributes including factors discussed in the literature for their ability to affect public perceptions and acceptance of energy development11,18,19: implementation body, proximity to respondents’ place of residence, CO2 mitigative capacity, geographical origin of CO2 emissions, extent of public consultation in CCS approval, extent of information provision regarding CCS seismicity risks, and compensation of affected communities by the CCS operator. In each scenario, the CO2 origin was expressed as either coming exclusively from domestic sources or a combination of domestic and imported CO2 from one of the five countries included in the study. Subsequently, participants each time responded to two questions on 11-point scales (-5 to + 5), “How acceptable is this CCS development to you?” and “How fair is the proposed storage of CO2 from domestic and if applicable imported emissions to you?”.
Figure 1 depicts the distribution of 30,918 fairness evaluations across the five countries irrespective of the vignette attributes combinations but accounting for the origin of the CO2. For all countries it reveals a slightly positive fairness evaluation of the implementation of CCS when only domestic emissions are concerned. Among domestic only scenarios, UK citizen are most supportive (mean = 0.55, CI 0.38/0.72), followed by Canadians (mean = 0.40, CI 0.22/0.57), the Norwegian public (mean = 0.24, CI 0.07/0.41), and Germans (mean = 0.16, CI -0.01/0.32). Dutch citizens are the least supportive (mean = 0.07, CI -0.09/0.23). In all countries evaluations become negative when only CCS scenarios with cross-border CO2 imports are considered, where especially the peak for the lowest fairness value is noteworthy. Regarding scenarios with cross-border CO2 imports, the Norwegian public is most supportive (mean = -0.13, CI -0.21/-0.05), followed by UK citizen (mean = -0.27, CI -0.35/-0.19), Germans (mean = -0.52, CI -0.59/-0.45), and Canadians (mean = -0.53, CI -0.61/-0.45). Again, Dutch citizens are the least supportive (mean = -0.63, CI -0.70/-0.55). All differences in means between domestic only and domestic plus cross-border CO2 import scenarios are statistically significant (two-sided t-tests with p < 0.0001, see suppl. material, Table S1). Differences range between 0.93 (CI 0.73/1.12) for Canada and 0.37 (CI 0.18/0.56) for Norway. The overall negative fairness scores for CO2 imports add important statistical evidence, for example, on the future of a European CO2 transport infrastructure that exists in EU framework planning but does not reflect the state of public perceptions of CCS development in the different countries3,13.
To further disentangle the fairness perceptions of cross-border CO2 transport from the effects of other attributes of CSS implementation, we estimated random intercept regression models of vignette ratings on the vignette scenario attributes (Methods, suppl. material Tables S2 and S3). The results depicted in Fig. 2 confirm that across all countries CCS scenarios involving CO2 imports are perceived as less fair than the storage of only domestic CO2. Effect sizes are larger than for any other CCS attribute ranging from − 0.3 scale points for CO2 imports from the Netherlands to Norway to -1.1 scale points for imports from Germany to Canada. Noteworthy, the cross-Atlantic transport of CO2, i.e., from Canada to Europe and vice versa, is only rated least fair in Germany and the Netherlands, but not in Canada, Norway, and UK. While the EU Commission classifies cross-border transport of CO2 as a Project of Common Interest (PCI) essential to the Union’s climate policy objectives20 citizens in four countries (and Canadians) summarily reject the notion of cooperation on CO2 transport. In other words: for the citizens in all five countries cross-border transport of CO2 is a non-starter no matter whether its perceived fairness or effects on CCS acceptance are concerned (see suppl. material Table S3).
As expected, attributes deemed to increase public involvement positively affect evaluations of CCS for fairness in Fig. 2, and acceptance (Appendix). Our results clearly show that consulting the public during the CCS approval process11,21, providing transparency through information sharing on the seismic and CO2 leakage risks of CCS22,23 matter irrespective of the country studied. Acceptance and perceived fairness evaluations also benefit from increasing geographical distances to a proposed CSS development that together with the psychological distance might enforce the NIMBY phenomenon24. Interestingly, neither the potential mitigative contribution of CCS to CO2 removal nor the type of implementing body, and thus possible differences in public trust between CCS stakeholder groups11,19 appear to matter to views on CCS on either side of the Atlantic.
In line with the literature on energy development18,25, the provisions of direct compensating economic benefits to citizens does lift both fairness perceptions and acceptance. However, on the question of whether compensation may be able to directly settle the negativity of CO2 imports, model results are unanimous. Magnitudes of interaction effects between CO2 import origins and citizen financial incentives are largely insignificant (see suppl. material, Table S4). Admittedly a niche case, Canadians would tolerate German CO2 imports given financial incentives, but the positive effect is far from offsetting the overall negative fairness assessment of importing CO2 for CCS. As such, we find that local compensation schemes alone are unable to successfully offset the multitude of current intertwined public concerns over the procedural and distributive fairness and likelihood of tangible economic and wider benefits of a large-scale commercial implementation of CCS11,26.
Considering the growing scientific and, following with some delay, political consensus that CCS is essential for any climate strategy to meet net-zero by 2050, our results outline substantial challenges for decision makers. Societal opposition grounded in the strongly perceived unfairness of CO2 imports is hindering support for CSS. This result stands against the emerging view that cross-border transport is indispensable to cost-efficient climate solutions using CCS. Even if decision makers were to consider procedural and distributive justice concerns, including financial compensation, no single measure alone valued positively by citizens in the five countries is sufficiently compensating for the negative effects of CO2 imports. Therefore, to engage the public with the objective of shifting perceptions and acceptance of CCS, well-designed combinations of consultation and transparent risk communication measures appear to be the most mutable policy approach. Without public consent, the goal of significant and long-term decarbonisation of carbon intensive sectors using CCS as part of net-zero strategies could quickly become another missed milestone.