Diabetes mellitus is a noncommunicable disease with high relevance for public health in many countries around the world. Globally, more than half a billion people were estimated to have diabetes mellitus, with type 2 diabetes accounting for more than 90% of cases. [1]. For Germany, the 12-months prevalence of self-reported diabetes in adults was estimated at 8.9% in 2019/2020 [2]. Diabetes represents the fifth most important cause of burden of disease in terms of disability-adjusted life years among men in Germany and the sixth most important cause among women, largely due to type 2 diabetes [3] causing about 7.4 billion euros of direct medical costs per year [4].
At the same time, preventive potential regarding type 2 diabetes is relatively high. The global increase in age-standardized incidence and prevalence over the last decades is considered to be mainly due to changes in behavioural and environmental risk factors [5]. These include aspects like poor dietary patterns, low levels of physical activity and increased sedentary time, all associated with obesity as a main risk factor of type 2 diabetes besides age [6, 7]. These behavioural aspects are potentially modifiable and can therefore be targeted by preventive measures.
Importantly from a public health perspective, there is consistent evidence for social inequalities in the occurrence of diabetes and its risk factors, which can guide prevention approaches. There are sex/gender differences in diabetes prevalence, with more men being affected than women, both globally (9.0% vs. 7.9%, [8]) as well as in Germany (9.6% vs. 8.2%, [2]). Differences in risk factors between men and women are more diverse though [9]. For example, men were less likely to lead a health-promoting lifestyle than women considering aspects like smoking or fruit and vegetable intake, but showed higher levels of physical activity based on results of survey data from Germany [10]. For obesity, the prevalence is higher in women globally [11], though differences in obesity between men and women in Germany have decreased or even disappeared [12, 13].
Socioeconomic status represents another relevant social determinant in diabetes. A low socioeconomic status, typically indicated by low educational level, low income, or less qualified occupation, has consistently been associated with higher risk of developing diabetes [14, 15]. For Germany [16], educational level was found to be a more pronounced predictor for diabetes compared to income and occupation [17, 18]. Furthermore, there is considerable evidence for socioeconomic inequality across diverse risk factors for diabetes like obesity, smoking, or physical inactivity, which are more prevalent among people with low socioeconomic status [10, 13].
Furthermore, differences in diabetes depending on migration status have been observed in Europe. For persons with a history of migration, a higher diabetes prevalence as well as a higher diabetes mortality compared to those without a history of migration have been reported [19, 20]. Degrees of increased risk seem to depend on the region from which people have migrated though, with populations with migration histories from South Asia as well as Middle Eastern and North African countries being especially at risk [19, 20]. In this light, results from other countries should only be generalized to Germany with caution, as countries can differ in terms of their specific migration patterns. In Germany, health data on people with a history of migration has long been insufficient though [21]. Analyses in this field face challenges as public health data often contain little information on history of migration [22, 23] and differ in their definition of migration-related variables [23]. This lack of information holds especially true for secondary data collected for different purposes. Consequently, there is a need to investigate the relevance of migration history for the risk of developing diabetes among the German population.
Given the findings on the role of individual social determinants, public health researchers have argued that health inequalities need to be examined beyond single axes of social dimensions, proposing an intersectional perspective that takes into account the complex interplay of such determinants in the life of individuals, and the differential effects of social positions at the unique intersections of those dimensions [24]. Intersectionality, as conceptualized by Black feminist scholars (e.g., Crenshaw [25]) is thus considered a valuable framework for public health research [26] and has been increasingly adopted in quantitative health research after having been primarily applied in qualitative studies [27]. Intersectional theory assumes that dimensions of social position such as sex/gender or socioeconomic status intersect at the individual level and jointly shape a person's experience in ways that reflect systems of privilege and oppression at the structural level [26, 27]. Moreover, the advantages and disadvantages that result from being in a social position, for example in relation to health, do not correspond to a simple additive accumulation of the effects of intersecting dimensions, but can be characterized by differential multiplicative intersectional effects [24, 28].
In epidemiological research on diabetes, Wemrell et al. [29] applied an intersectional perspective in their quantitative analysis of Swedish registry data of persons aged 40 and older. They did not only examine to what extent social determinants such as age, gender, income, education, and migration status predict type 2 diabetes prevalence, but also how much intersectional strata defined by the combination of these determinants can additionally contribute to differences in the prevalence. They found a very heterogeneous distribution of diabetes prevalence with respect to the included social dimensions: For instance, elderly migrated men with low income and low education levels had a very high risk of type 2 diabetes, while women who did not migrate, aged 40-49 years old, with high income and high education levels had a very low risk. Further, the discriminatory accuracy of the combined information from the included dimensions was acceptable.
Among other methods, multilevel analysis of individual heterogeneity and discriminatory accuracy (MAIHDA) has been increasingly proposed as an appropriate intersectionality-informed approach for the quantitative study of health inequalities [24, 30]. Essentially, in a MAIHDA analysis, individuals are located within strata based on their combination of social dimension characteristics and in a next step, health outcomes of interest are modelled using multilevel regression, i.e. mixed models, with individuals considered to be nested in those intersectional strata [31]. Following Evans et al. [32], the aims of the MAIHDA approach are threefold: 1. to map differences in health outcomes across intersectional strata by estimating means or frequencies for all strata, 2. to quantify the variance within and between strata by calculating measures indicating discriminatory accuracy of intersectional strata, and 3. to estimate multiplicative intersectional effects for all strata.
A study by Holman et al. [33] applying MAIHDA to map intersectional inequalities in biomarkers using English national data included HbA1c, a measure of blood glucose concentration over the past 2 to 3 months used to diagnose diabetes. Examining intersectional strata defined by gender, ethnicity, education, and income, they found some between-strata variance for HbA1c with lowest levels in White women with high education and high income, and highest levels in Black and Minority Ethnicity men with low education and low income. This variation seemed to be fully explained by additive main effects of social dimensions included.
Building on this first evidence on the role of intersectionality in the context of diabetes, we aimed to address the potential for quantitative examination of social inequalities in diabetes risk in Germany by adopting an intersectional perspective. To potentially inform public health decisions, we shed light on the question whether there are constellations of social position that are at a particularly high risk to develop diabetes and could therefore benefit especially from targeted measures. Filling the existing gap on an intersectional approach to diabetes prevention, we performed a MAIHDA analysis using data on diabetes risk based on health behaviour and other risk factors from a sample of persons without known diabetes from a nationwide population-based survey in Germany to answer the following questions:
1. To what extent does diabetes risk differ between individuals from different intersectional strata defined by sex/gender, educational level, and history of migration?
2. To what extent do differences in diabetes risk among different intersectional strata result from additive main effects and from multiplicative intersectional effects of the social dimensions defining these strata?