We utilized population-based data to ascertain young children and their parents to investigate the extent to which losing a young child may affect subsequent development of bereavement, as indexed by the utilization of MDD treatment, in the middle-aged parents and explore potential parents-level heterogeneity in “bereavement effect”. Our analyses showed that the risk of treatment seeking for MDD was especially prominent in the first three quarters after losing a child. The occurrence of MDD treatment was elevated by 6.12-fold in the bereaved mothers, nearly three times higher than 1.99-fold in fathers. Notably, the so-called “bereavement effects” manifested differentially across individuals sub-grouped by prior health condition. Specifically, the significant increased risk of seeking MDD treatment was more salient in those who had no prior MDD or those who had no CPC (e.g., diabetes and hypertensive disease), especially in fathers.
Disturbed/complicated grief is distinct from depression and post-traumatic stress disorder, although the rates of comorbidity between these conditions are high and the duration can be longer than 6 to 12 months after the episode of loss [31–34]. To certain extent, our data may partly correlate with the new diagnostic condition of DSM-V and ICD-11 for bereavement (persistent complex bereavement disorder and prolonged grief disorder, respectively) [35, 36] and demonstrated that parental bereavement could last for at least one year (Fig. 1). Slight child loss-related excess in the hazard of MDD treatment remained for three years in our study (especially those who had prior medical conditions); nevertheless, different from previous studies [19, 37, 38], such increased risk was less prominent after the first 12 months. This discrepancy may be partly due to the variation in (i) cultural or societal differences in clinical manifestation of MDD and perceived need in treatments seeking and (ii) the nature of outcome indicators (e.g., MDD vs. antidepressant; incident vs. prevalent cases)[39–41].
Children’s health condition has long been recognized as a source of major life events substantially shaping child-rearing adults’ mental health, which is particularly true when children were affected by chronic or catastrophic illness, such as cancer [42–44]. Our analyses showed that caring for a child with at least one catastrophic illness might moderately elevate subsequent risk of MDD treatment, and the increased risk of MDD treatment was also elevated by the chronicity of illness. Nevertheless, such risk was no longer significant as we took bereavement and disadvantaged economic status into account, highlighting the salient independent effects of losing a child. Importantly, the negative emotional effects associated with bereavement may manifest far beyond six months [7, 37, 45–47]. The observed “bereavement effects” in this study population were slightly greater than those reported previously in other Western societies (e.g., Canada), which may be explained by children’s cause of death, parent-child bonds, family structure or size, follow-up period, and fertility rate [16, 27, 38, 48].
Our results corroborate previous findings that mothers may suffer more from bereavement than fathers while facing the loss of a child [13, 17, 19, 49]. The mechanisms underlying the observed gender differences in seeking treatment for MDD may be attributed to a mixed result of vulnerability, stress coping, help seeking, and role expectation in childcare [19, 50]. For example, the loss of a child may pose a threat to the identity of bereaved parents. Since the majority of primary caregivers for children are women in this study context, this adjustment process can be challenging for mothers and even more difficult for those unemployed ones with limited social support or a poor social network [51–53]. On the other hand, fathers often adopt emotional inhibition, detachment, or denial (i.e., ignoring their grief) as coping strategies, leading to unawareness of or even unresponsiveness to psychological distress. What makes the grief process complicated in the study context is that men may encounter more culture or societal barrier in seeking medical help for mental health problems [39, 41]. In addition, given that the fathers may be the only breadwinner in the families of deceased children (see Table 1 for the relatively lower employment rate for mothers), the bereaved fathers likely accommodate the child loss with more work (or income) in order to regain the order of life, leaving no time for grief or selfcare. Indeed, we noticed that the fathers who sought treatment for MDD in the year after losing a child was even lower than those with a previous history of MDD (66 vs. 78 in Table 1), indicating potential gap in mental health services for this high-risk group and highlighting the need to implement targeted or tailored intervention [54–56].
Although the relationship between child loss and parental adverse health condition is fairly well established, the magnitude of bereavement effects is potentially complex because of parents’ attributes [15, 19, 55]. Our study illuminates that the parental bereavement effect may vary by prior health condition; specifically, the increased risk of treatment seeking for MDD was notably pronounced in those without prior history of MDD or CPC. Three probable explanations may account for this phenomenon. First, although child loss is a traumatic event, child-rearing, especially for the kids with catastrophic illness, is often a long and even financially and emotionally demanding process [43, 44]. Some parents may be aware of psychological distress and seek treatment long before the child’s death, as indicated by the work reporting that parental utilization of antidepressants or anxiolytics was gradually elevated in the three years before they lost a child to diseases [19]. This possibility is further reinforced by our analyses showing that prior prevalence of MDD treatment among bereaved parents was 4-6-times higher than their comparison peers. Second, for parents with physical or mental health problems, a visit to a doctor can offer a great opportunity to call for medical attention to somatic problems or stress-related symptoms (e.g., adjusting medication or therapy); thus, subsequent risk of MDD treatment associated with child loss may be alleviated. This also implicated the efficacy of timely medical intervention for parental bereavement before a child’s death. Third, the observation may reflect the delay in treatment seeking and the rebound after loss of their child. Preoccupation with care work (especially for the severely ill children) may face time or financial constraints, increasing the barriers to accessing appropriate healthcare [54].
Some potential limitations of the present study should be acknowledged before further interpretation. First, the definition of exposure (i.e., child’s death) was primarily ascertained from health insurance records (e.g., insurance withdrawal), therefore restraining our ability to further characterize the heterogeneity of child’s death (e.g., cause of death) [19, 57]. Nevertheless, we carried out a series of post-hoc analyses to explore whether the connection between losing a child and MDD treatment by expectedness of child death. The interaction terms with the duration of catastrophic illness appeared to be nonsignificant in both father and mothers (p > 0.05), indicating that potential bereavement effects were rather consistent. Another issue involves specification of parent-child pairs in relation to health insurance status. The insurance premium payer is usually determined by several factors (e.g., labor force participation and salary), some of which also have been found as correlates for bereavement [5]. The differential linkage rate in mother-child pairs (i.e., 50% in the deceased vs. 70% in the living, see Supplementary) may possibly result in the underestimated risk of depression for the bereaved parents. Finally, the sole reliance on health insurance data can be problematic when only variables relevant to reimbursement can be gathered. Further exploration of variables at the child-, parents-, and household-levels was not feasible in this study; they should be evaluated in future research to better understand possible mechanisms.
Notwithstanding the limits just described, the present study has several strengths. To date, our study represents one of just a few population-based studies conducted in non-Western societies to investigate so-called parental bereavement effects. The large sample size and three-year follow-up period granted us the opportunity to delineate the effects of losing a child on father and mothers with a rather thorough perspective. Societies or cultures with similar parent-child bonding may benefit from this study in framing the concept of parental bereavement, which is particularly urgent in the context wherein mental health awareness is relatively limited and the need in mental healthcare is often overlooked.