Trial inclusivity
Patients recruited into clinical trials do not always reflect the composition of the general population, leading to research inequity. This means that trial outcomes may not reflect patient outcomes in clinical practice. (16) Evidence from the literature shows that many groups, for example, patients with a disability, are largely under-represented in clinical trials. (17) Reasons for this underrepresentation are due to multiple factors surrounding trial recruitment including a lack of understanding or confidence in recruiting patients from these groups. (18) For ethnic minorities, barriers to enrolment include healthcare mistrust and inadequate communication from healthcare professionals. (19) Themes of mistrust and communication are consistent across other underrepresented groups who are also excluded from research, such as patients with an intellectual disability. (20) Additionally, factors inherent to the study design, recruitment and consenting processes also contribute to underrepresentation such as stringent eligibility criteria, need for rapid recruitment and lack of research staff experience. (21, 22)
COVID-19 research has thrown a spotlight the issue of health disparity in treatment trials. (23) An analysis of trials of COVID-19 treatments in the US found that vulnerable populations, such as adults over 65 years, over 85 years and pregnant women were more likely to be excluded from clinical trials. In addition, trials were conducted in hospitals where there were less likely to be patients of Black and Hispanic ethnic origin. (24) This has raised important questions during the global pandemic, as to whether patients are adequately represented in clinical trials. These questions also extend to whether research exploring trial conduct, for example surveys of attitudes towards recruitment methods, is inclusive. Ethically complex methods, like deferred consent, which are used in emergency settings may be viewed differently by patients from under-served groups. This challenges the use of deferred consent in practice, particularly amongst these populations.
Acceptability of deferred consent
Many studies have assessed attitudes toward deferred consent, which is deemed generally acceptable by patients and their surrogate decision-makers in emergency situations. (25) However, the studies from which these conclusions are drawn do not consider attitudes toward deferred consent from underserved groups. Findings from a minimal risk study in intensive care showed that 91% of trial respondents were opposed to its use, where the sample was composed of a mixture of patients and their surrogates. However, this failed to consider that patients and their surrogates may express different views. Another study that only assessed views from participants that regained capacity showed that 27% participants had a neutral or negative response as to whether the research team had made the right decision to defer consent. (26) The clarification between patient and surrogate views may be crucial, especially as patients that lack capacity are under-served, and often report different reasons for providing consent compared to their surrogate decision-makers. (11) (27–29) This consideration may partially explain the variation in acceptability seen across the literature. Additionally, evidence suggests that the acceptability of deferred consent may further be confounded by the evaluation of its use when experienced first-hand, as opposed to through a hypothetical scenario which is a finding that has been mirrored amongst minority sub-populations. (30, 31)
Attitudes of ethnic minorities towards deferred consent
Many of the terms used to describe different ethnicities and races within studies are subjective. Groups are recognised as more heterogenous than their descriptors imply but for the purposes of this article will be referred to as how they are described in the studies reviewed. A US survey conducted in the emergency setting exploring attitudes of exception from informed consent found that responses differed based on ethnicity. “Non-white” participants were less likely to agree that it may be appropriate to enrol participants without prior consent. (32) Although an important overall finding, the lack of distinction between “non-white” participants in the analysis may be significant. Closer inspection of the sample revealed that there were 110 (21%) African Americans, 9 Asian (1%), 29 Hispanic (6%) and 20 Native American (4%) participants. The grouping of these categories in the analysis considers these ethnicities to be more homogenous than they are. This is an important consideration, as historical mistrust has been shown to vary amongst ethnicity, generally with populations of African descent impacted the most. (33, 34) Another issue is the inclusion of 22 participants (3%) belonging to the “other or mixed” ethnic category within the sample size. This is problematic due to the ambiguous ethnic diversity within this group, which is likely to impact views on exception from informed consent. Additionally, “non-white” participants were more likely to disagree with a statement demonstrating willingness to participate in the study if it were important to learn about a treatment for a condition with no current beneficial treatment. In contrast, this group were more likely to agree that there are times when it is important to learn about a new treatment and in this case, it would be acceptable to enrol participants without prior consent. This shows that ethnic minorities are more likely to appreciate the importance of deferring consent but experience personal reluctancy toward enrolment regarding themselves. Furthermore, this demonstrates that the wording of statements and the language used when asking opinions of deferred consent may greatly impact the responses generated. (35)
The Established Status Epilepticus Treatment Trial (ESETT) enrolled participants without prospectively provided consent and supported the finding that the phrasing of statements is important. (35) This is supported by studies showing acceptability varies when asked about personal or general enrolment using deferred consent. (36) In the ESETT trial, participants were asked if they were “glad that themselves or their family members were included in the study”. (35) There were no differences due to race on acceptance of enrolment. However, when asked if they thought that it was acceptable to include themselves or family members without asking for permission first, racial differences began to emerge. More black participants disagreed with enrolment without prior consent than white, other race and unknown race categories. (35) This finding may reflect other studies that show black participants prefer to give prior permission before their inclusion in research. (37) However, these findings may lead to numerous assumptions. Patient groups are categorised with terms such as “black” or “white” widely across the literature. This terminology fails to account for key inter-personal differences between participants and risks oversimplifying ethnically diverse groups of individuals.
As with some of the issues identified previously, an examination of studies investigating the impact of traumatic brain injury experience on exception from informed consent found that black participants were less likely to accept a situation with no prospectively provided consent. Additionally, those in the “other” category and those of Asian background had the lowest acceptance rates. (30) However, they also found that these differences were largely impacted by previous first or second-hand experience of traumatic brain injury. There were similar levels of acceptance between ethnicities for those who had no personal traumatic brain injury experience. However, amongst white participants, the closer the connection with traumatic brain injury (i.e., a close family member), the greater the level of acceptance. In contrast, no increase was seen amongst black participants with a close connection with traumatic brain injury. (30) Therefore, experience may account for some of the differences seen amongst ethnicities and is supported by evidence from focus groups. (38) This finding is unsurprising, as experience is a strong predictor of acceptability towards the use of deferred consent amongst all key stakeholders involved. (39, 40) Additionally, those from ethnic minorities may have less personal experience of situations where deferring informed consent was necessary or may be more likely to have had adverse experiences of its use. This is supported by evidence showing that black participants are the largest racial group enrolled into studies using deferred consent, despite studies showing they express greater aversion to its use. (30)