Methods
Data Collection and Interview Structure
To gather in-depth data about place identity and attachment among both Georgian and foreign residents in Georgia, we conducted semi-structured interviews. The interview questions were developed based on the Psychological Place Attachment Scale (PPAS; Li et al., 2013) and the Sense of Place Scale (SoPS; Domingues et al., 2021). Following a pilot interview, the interview guide was refined and some questions were added.
Participants
A total of 16 interviews were conducted, including 3 face-to-face and 13 via online platforms like Zoom and Skype, based on the preferences of the respondents. The interviews ranged in duration from 25 to 70 minutes. The participants were selected using the snowball sampling technique, where initial participants recommended other potential participants.
The participant group consisted of 10 women and 6 men, with ages ranging from 20 to 62 years. Interviews were conducted in two languages: 9 in Georgian and 7 in English. A key criterion for participation was a history of long-term residence in multiple locations. This included Georgians who had lived in various locations within and outside of Georgia, as well as foreigners residing in Georgia.
Ethical Considerations
Participants did not receive any tangible benefits or compensation for their involvement in the study. Prior to each interview, participants were required to sign an informed consent form. Participation in the study was strictly confidential.
Table 1
Participant Information
|
Participants
|
Age
|
Gender
|
Origin
|
Profession
|
Interview Language
|
Significant Place
|
P1
|
24
|
Male
|
Tbilisi, Georgia
|
IT
|
Georgian
|
Istanbul
|
P2
|
24
|
Female
|
Martkopi, Georgia
|
Psychology
|
Georgian
|
Home
|
P3
|
23
|
Male
|
Kutaisi, Georgia
|
Writing; Customer service
|
Georgian
|
Kutaisi
|
P4
|
27
|
Female
|
Tskaltubo, Georgia
|
Sales; Hospitality
|
Georgian
|
Childhood friend's house (Tskaltubo)
|
P5
|
25
|
Female
|
Bacau, Romania
|
Civil Development
|
English
|
Tbilisi
|
P6
|
25
|
Female
|
Tbilisi, Georgia
|
PR, IT, Psychology
|
Georgian
|
Childhood streets in Tbilisi
|
P7
|
25
|
Female
|
Gori, Georgia
|
International Relations
|
Georgian
|
Home
|
P8
|
28
|
Female
|
Brasov, Romania
|
Politics, History
|
English
|
Tbilisi
|
P9
|
62
|
Female
|
Gori, Georgia
|
Philology, Tourism
|
Georgian
|
Home
|
P10
|
25
|
Female
|
Brasov, Romania
|
International Development
|
English
|
Romania
|
P11
|
22
|
Male
|
United Arab Emirates
|
Medicine
|
English
|
UAE
|
P12
|
34
|
Male
|
Brisbane, Australia
|
Medicine
|
English
|
A childhood village in Vietnam
|
P13
|
24
|
Female
|
Gori, Georgia
|
International Relations
|
Georgian
|
—
|
P14
|
29
|
Male
|
Cairo, Egypt
|
Entertainment Industry, Finances
|
English
|
Indonesian island
|
P15
|
25
|
Female
|
Karaj, Iran
|
Medicine
|
English
|
—
|
P16
|
24
|
Male
|
Tbilisi, Georgia
|
Medicine, IT
|
Georgian
|
Home, Georgia
|
Results
The qualitative data was organized into three distinct temporal categories – past, present, and future. Below, the findings and discussions are presented according to these temporal dimensions.
Past: Reasons for leaving the place of origin
After the interview analysis, several primary reasons emerged for participants leaving their place of origin. The most frequently cited motivations included a quest for novelty, a need for new experiences, and general dissatisfaction with their current lives.
A common narrative among those identifying as digital nomads was a desire for adventure, often triggered by reaching the end of a certain life stage. For others, specific objectives like travel, exploring historical sites, or professional aspirations played an important role in their decision to move abroad.
Social influences and prior expectations also significantly impacted participants' decisions to relocate. Some were inspired by family members' experiences abroad (as in the case of P13, who was motivated by a sibling's account of the 'FLEX' program in America). Others cited a childhood characterized by frequent moves as a catalyst for her own nomadic tendencies:
Since my childhood, it has become a need for me to change the place and environment often. As soon as I get used to the environment and realize that everything around me becomes a comfort zone, I want to run away (P6).
Interestingly, getting to a new place of residence is sometimes determined by chance, while staying is sometimes determined purely by the characteristics of the place.
Despite the specific reasons that made people leave their place of origin, almost all participants had some pragmatic reason for their decision to leave. Among them, a large part came to Georgia to get an education or to simplify working conditions. As for the digital nomads, the main reasons were financial availability, less bureaucracy, and an attractive nature and climate. The participants were certain that they would leave their country sooner or later because they considered personal growth impossible otherwise. P3, for instance, spoke of choosing risk over stability: "I could have stayed in Tbilisi and been stable, but stability is not what I am looking for… It’s hard but I think it's important to take risky steps in life to get something" (P3).
Conversely, for some, the decision to move, while voluntary, was also seen as a response to internal pressures and discomforts. P16, for example, described his move as a way to escape a sense of dissatisfaction and discomfort:
I left because of dissatisfaction. If you are comfortable, you don't want to leave that place. If you don't know the meaning of life, if you have inner anxieties, and if your future is uncertain, you cannot physically be comfortable (P16).
Present: Adaptation strategies in new places
The study participants had different strategies for adapting to a new place, depending on their departure motives, priorities, and challenges of integrating with new places. The main adaptation strategies include building local contacts, socializing in general, and finding comfort with oneself.
Socializing and local engagement
Digital nomads often employed social strategies such as attending local events, joining expat social groups, and meeting people through social platforms (e.g., Facebook, Tinder, WhatsApp) for networking.
Physical resemblance to the local population was noted as a facilitator of adaptation. For instance, Participant 9, who studied in Russia, found her physical similarity advantageous: “Almost no one thought that I was not Russian. When I told them that I was not, they did not believe me" (P9). Similarly, P15, an Iranian studying in Georgia, observed that looking somewhat Georgian eased her integration process.
Exploring and understanding the place
Another important strategy for adapting to a new place is getting to know it. Participants reported that exploring the city and engaging in public life simplified integration: "Communication with locals is necessary for integration if you want to live in that society. Humans are social creatures and it is impossible to do otherwise. But if you are just a visitor, then it changes the whole picture." (P4).
Participant 3, who moved to Georgia, also found that interacting with locals was vital when starting anew in a different location. Interestingly, the fact that people knew nothing about them in a new place didn’t make adaptation easier, but it made the process more interesting: "When I was coming from Tbilisi, I used to repeat something like this - I’m going to a place where I don't represent anything - it was an interesting new page" (P3). Therefore, for some people, the place itself and its characteristics are more important in terms of adaptation than socialization.
Forced and natural adaptation
Some participants actively pushed themselves out of their comfort zones as a means of adaptation. Some participants made a conscious effort to socialize more, even in less desirable situations, while others emphasized creating a comfortable living space as essential for adapting. However, it seems that comfort is not created on purpose, it happens naturally, and adaptation also takes time: "You don't think about comfort on purpose, but comfort is a survival mechanism. I found that no matter how terrible a situation you get into, you can adapt everywhere over time" (P16). This quote points out that time is an important factor for adapting to a new place.
Language and support systems
Language proficiency was also perceived as one of the integral factors in adapting to a new place, alongside having a physically comfortable environment and a significant other next to them.
Despite fluency in foreign languages, forming deep connections with locals remains a significant challenge. To cope with this problem, foreigners try to learn the Georgian language, and Georgians try to actively communicate with foreign-speaking people. Communication problems with locals are most likely one of the reasons why individuals abroad try to stay in touch with people they know virtually and rarely physically.
Purpose-driven adaptation
Having a specific goal, such as pursuing education or volunteering, was found to simplify the process of adaptation, as it sometimes lessened the need for deeper integration with locals. Nevertheless, most participants indicated that adaptation often happened naturally, without deliberately developing a specific strategy to adapt to a new place.
Alongside natural adaptation, some individuals engaged in introspection and self-development as part of their coping strategy, which was described as more “artificial” and "forced" than natural. As P10 notes, "I was observing myself internally and reflecting. I worked hard on myself to find out my own emotions and to do something that I have never tried in the past.”
Maladaptive coping
Alongside the various adaptive coping methods, the study also revealed instances of maladaptive strategies. A notable example involves the denial of reality as a coping mechanism. As some participants shared, they tried to deny reality during difficult times:
When I got into so much trouble and hardship, I deluded myself. I think the evolutionary survival mechanism got involved - I convinced myself that I was happy and that's why I came here. Later, I found out this wasn’t the case (P16).
This highlights the complex psychological responses individuals may use when facing the challenges of adaptation to a new environment.
A Significant Place
We developed the concept of a 'significant place' during the interview process, which describes a location that has a special emotional and personal importance to an individual beyond its physical or geographic characteristics. This concept was important in understanding participants' place identity and attachment.
Participants shared experiences and memories tied to specific locations. The most common themes were their home, a country, or a city of origin. Furthermore, they named places related to their childhood, a place to which they feel a strong emotional connection and belonging, and a ‘transformation place’ that changed their perception of self.
Home
The concept of 'home' is central to the participants' perception of a significant place. Whether it's with or without family members, provides absolute comfort, or fulfills basic needs, a home is often the first thing that comes to mind for participants. This can be explained by the considerable amount of time spent there and the fact that the most important memories and experiences for them are related to their homes.
However, the emotional connection with home is not always straightforward. Some participants expressed ambivalent feelings. For instance, P2 prefers solitude and is protective over her personal space, despite feeling an attachment to her family home: "I get angry when someone says something negative about it." Similar to her, we noted the elements of a humanization of the house in others’ narratives as well, as they attributed human characteristics to their homes.
In some cases, the attachment to the home is similar to the classic ambivalent-disorganized style of attachment (Ainsworth & Bowlby, 1991). An illustration of this is P9, who experiences a persistent longing for home even when away for short periods, yet encounters negative feelings upon returning. Their attachment is not to a specific physical place but to the abstract concept of 'home' itself.
On the other hand, for some, 'home' is less about the physical space and more about the people within it. Memories of family and loved ones contribute significantly to their sense of home. One of the reasons for this could be that the place is unstable and can change at any time, but the connection with the people is constant.
Hometown
Apart from home, the participants name their hometown as a significant place which is especially common for those not originating from the capital. This connection to their hometowns is often described in deeply emotional and personal terms that transcend geographical or physical attributes.
For instance, a participant from Kutaisi, one of the cities in Georgia, reflects on their inexplicable bond with their hometown:
I don't know how rational it may sound, but Kutaisi is a place where I'm just happy to be. If I don't do anything and just sit in Kutaisi, it's enough for satisfaction. When I go to Kutaisi, from the moment I enter the city, I already feel excitement and happiness, which cannot be rational (P3).
Similarly, another participant from a smaller Georgian town acknowledges their subjective bias towards the hometown and attributes attachment not just to its physical attributes but more to their own emotional connections and memories associated with it: "Tskaltubo is objectively beautiful, but I am subjective when I say that it is a good city because it is connected with my emotions and memories” (P4).
Country of origin
Some participants expanded the notion of a 'significant place' to their entire country of origin. Unlike their views on cities, in this case, respondents could maintain objectivity when discussing their country. Interestingly, some expressed mixed or even negative feelings about their country, yet still considered its significance in their lives.
Most participants believe that ties formed in childhood are particularly deep and irreplaceable. However, one can also establish a similar relationship with other countries over time and moreover, they can have a negative attitude towards the country and be attached to it due to the memories. This indicates the possibility of developing a place identity without having an attachment to it.
Both Georgian and foreign participants often consider their countries to be significant places. Frequently, they explain this connection not by the place itself but by the people and experiences associated with it. As they say, "We are not our country. We are a combination of experience and country” (P12). Therefore, country of origin as a part of place identity is based on familiarity, experiences, and personal history - factors that make the native country a significant place in people’s lives.
Childhood place
Even though home and hometown are often closely associated with childhood memories, we consider ‘childhood place’ as a distinct category since respondents identified certain childhood-related locations as the significant place separately from their hometown or home.
One of the examples of such a place is a childhood friend's old house in the hometown - a place that is accompanied by more vivid emotions rather than the city of origin. Another example, recalled by a Georigna participant, is specific areas in Tbilisi as crucial childhood places for self-expression that still have a significant impact.
Childhood places also hold significance for participants from other countries as well. For instance, an Australian respondent who considers his current city of residence, Brisbane, to be the most comfortable place, named a Vietnamese village as a significant place - a village where he spent his childhood. In this case, the attitude towards Vietnam as a country is more neutral and place identity is linked to Australia, but emotional attachment is linked to this childhood place, which could be explained by viewing this place as a link to his family and a motivator to give back to the community that watched him grow up. (P12).
Transformation Place
The concept of a 'transformation place' was developed uniquely from our interviews. This concept can be defined as a location where individuals have experienced significant personal growth or change, despite the duration spent there or the initial reasons for their visit.
For example, one of the participants considers an island in Indonesia as such a place. Even though they visited this palace only once, it helped to find a purpose in life and led to a personal awakening: "When I started the journey, I was looking for meaning - I wanted to find out who I was because I didn't believe in anything and I felt lost. I felt something in that place, I felt connections" (P14).
Another participant, a Georgian digital nomad, spoke of Istanbul as a transformative place. Living there for several months, he formed deep connections with the city, not just through its vibrant culture and experiences but through how it reshaped his feelings and memories. Interestingly, his emotional attachment to Istanbul is so strong that he prefers not to return, fearing that a revisit might lead to a negative sense of nostalgia, which will impact his memories of the initial experience (P1).
Emotionally resonant place
Beyond childhood, culturally significant, personally transformative, and other places discussed, participants identified certain locations as important due to an emotional connection. This notion of an 'emotionally resonant place' reflects the essence of these places.
Some Romanian respondents residing in Georgia are great examples of this, since they described Tbilisi, the capital of Georgia, as a significant place. They pointed out specific cultural and lifestyle similarities between Romania and Georgia but found Tbilisi a distinct place that provides a sense of calmness. In this case, the physical characteristics of a place and its connection with society and culture are some of the factors that determine place attachment.
Surprisingly, people can develop an attachment to an emotionally resonant place in just one day. In such cases, individuals feel an immediate connection with the city and the people. As P8 notes, "The way I feel here and the vibe I get from this city is different - I've never felt anything like that in another city.” This close emotional connection can be explained by having similar mentalities, thought patterns, and personality characteristics as the locals.
Future
Ideal future
Constant travel, change, and a dynamic lifestyle are integral parts of life for the majority of respondents, and at first glance, their future should also be dynamic. However, it turns out that people who often change their primary residence tend to seek stability and their future aspirations often center around finding a permanent place to call home. The ‘ideal future’ usually represents the characteristics of the significant place respondents named.
The major aspects identified in the description of the ideal place include favorable physical and climatic conditions, pragmatic features, and opportunities for personal or professional growth. While some respondents seek a static home, others imagine a dynamic future, often in places where they have never lived. Nevertheless, the influence of their place of origin remains significant and many individuals prefer locations that align with their cultural and religious values.
Respondents, particularly those from non-Eastern countries, often cannot imagine living in places vastly different from their cultural background. For instance, the Australian participant (P12) anticipates frequent moves due to his profession but prefers to stay close to his family in order to maintain familial ties. On the other hand, Georgian participants displayed a greater openness to exploring new places. For example, P3 expressed an openness to all possibilities, regardless of the geographic location:
I don't have a definite plan. I'll go and see - maybe this city and I won't get along, maybe I'll move and stay there forever, who knows. It is difficult for me to imagine myself in the future in a geographical context, but I am open to all possibilities (P3).
Several participants expressed a preference for larger cities, valuing the availability of diverse activities and resources. Regardless of the characteristics of the ideal place for the future, the future self is associated with stability — a single place to return to after traveling.
Across the board, the desire for stable 'headquarters' is a recurring theme, even among those without concrete future plans. Stability, in this context, means a place for emotional and financial investment while facing life's uncertainties:
It [the change] gives me a lot of anxiety, but also a bit of excitement. So for me, I really want stability. I want to be able to call a place home. I need that because it's been way too many years of just floating around everywhere and I really wanted to know that there is a place that I can call home where I can finally invest a little more energy and also, like, financially, to make myself comfortable in (P10).
Having such a ‘headquarters’ will help individuals continue their journey with less anxiety and more peace of mind. Therefore, they believe that a combination of long-term stability and dynamic daily life is possible and are looking for a place that satisfies both of these components.
For digital nomads, while long-term stability isn't always a priority, a sense of peace remains vital. As a result, they view settling in their own country as a more emotionally sustainable option since adapting abroad requires extensive emotional resources. However, they still remain open to new opportunities.
Hypothetical future
At the end of the interview, we asked the participants to imagine themselves in a hypothetical future where their lives were in danger. When asked how they would behave if something threatened their lives, people with at least a minimal degree of place attachment imagined returning to their place of origin. They would stop all current activities, forget their goals, and return to their loved ones. Although this behavior may be due to a priming effect, as discussed by Higgins et al. (1977), since the previous interview questions activated their place of origin, it still provides important information about their sense of place attachment.
The main pattern while imagining a hypothetical threatening future is, on the one hand, neglecting long-term goals and spending time with significant others, on the other hand - looking for new challenges, traveling, and gaining more experience. However, in certain instances, individuals showed an ambivalent attitude toward the hypothetical future and expressed a desire to stay with their loved ones, as well as embrace new experiences during the potentially limited time remaining in their familiar surroundings.
Risky behaviors and adventure-seeking are especially common for digital nomads who do not consider returning home to their family in a threatening situation. For instance, P14 says, "If this disease gives me only 5 years to live, I will stop everything, take all the money I have and get as much out of life as I can". This is what distinguishes them from people with other lifestyles who have a strong place attachment.