In Belgium, the overall prevalence of childhood overweight saw a significant increase from 13.6% in 1997 to 18.9% in 2018, while obesity rates plateaued at5.6% in 2018. The widening absolute socioeconomic disparities over time, from 8.0 pp in 1997 to 14.9 pp in 2018 for overweight, and from 3.1 pp to 6.8 pp for obesity, primarily stem from the escalating prevalence of overweight among children and adolescents of parents with lower educational levels, rising from 16.8% in 1997 to 27.8% in 2018 for overweight, and from 5.7% to 9.7% for obesity. Relative socioeconomic disparities remained relatively stable over time for both overweight and obesity.
The prevalence of childhood overweight in Belgium in 2018 (18.9%) can be contextualized by comparing it with similar studies conducted in other countries around the same time period. In the United States, the prevalence of overweight among children and adolescents aged 2-19 was notably higher at 35.4% in 2017-2018, as measured by weight and height (30). In Slovenia, the prevalence stood at 24.4% among individuals aged 7-18 years in 2018 (12), while in Germany, it was reported as 15.4% among those aged 3-17 years during the period 2014-2017. Interestingly, both Slovenia and Germany exhibited stabilizing trends over time. In Slovenia, the prevalence of overweight rose from 13.7% in 1989 to 24.4% in 2018, but it appeared to stabilize after 2000 (12). Similarly, in Germany, the prevalence stabilized around 2003-2006 at 15.5% (18).
It is worth noting that these studies were conducted prior to the COVID-19 pandemic. Recent research has highlighted a significant weight gain among children and adolescents during the COVID-19 lockdown, with those already overweight being at higher risk. The closure of (pre)school settings may have contributed to less healthy food consumption and reduced opportunities for structured physical activity (31–33).
The escalating socioeconomic disparities in childhood overweight in Belgium echo findings from other studies. A negative correlation between SES and overweight was also observed in France from 1999 to 2007 among children aged 3-14 years (25). Similarly, in Germany spanning from 2003-2006 to 2014-2017 among children aged 7-18 years, a widening gap was noted: for low SES groups, overweight prevalence increased from 20.0% in 2003-2006 to 25.5% in 2014-2017, while it slightly decreased among middle and high SES groups (18).
Additionally, the Health Behaviour in School-aged Children (HBSC) survey, an international study tracking adolescents aged 11, 13 and 15 years every four years in the WHO European Region, revealed persistent socioeconomic disparities in overweight prevalence across most European countries from 2002 to 2014. In Belgium (Flemish part) and Iceland, however, these differences intensified due to a decline in overweight prevalence among adolescents from higher SES backgrounds and a simultaneous increase among those from lower SES background (10).
Frequently, healthy foods come with a higher price tag, while energy-dense options tend to be more affordable, exacerbating socioeconomic disparities in overweight. Consequently, policy interventions such as taxing sugar-sweetened beverages and subsidizing whole grains, fresh fruits, and vegetables are essential to make unhealthy food less accessible and promote healthier options, thereby addressing these inequalities (3,5,18). Moreover, the widening socioeconomic gap in childhood overweight can be partly attributed to challenges in reaching and effectively communicating health information to parents with lower levels of education (15,18,19). It is imperative to consider this communication problem with lower socioeconomic families should be taken into account when childhood overweight is addressed.
School-based interventions emerge as effective strategies to mitigate these disparities (4,5,18). Schools should evolve into health-promoting environments (4), offering nutritious meals to increase fruit and vegetable consumption, and providing opportunities for physical activity (5,6,18). Slovenia presents a compelling example of effective policy implementation within the educational system. Their initiatives focus on nutrition by eliminating foods with minimal nutritional value from school meals, emphasizing healthy dietary choices, promoting physical activity through an additional two hours of physical education per week. Moreover, they provide free-of-charge opportunities for physical activities within schools, particularly benefiting children who are not engaged in extracurricular sports (12).
Moreover, research indicates that children, particularly those in younger grades, are highly influenced by the food environments surrounding their schools (20,34). A study conducted in California unveiled an increase in fast food outlets near schools in deprived neighbourhoods, coupled with heightened exposure to advertisements promoting calorie-dense foods and beverages, potentially exacerbating socioeconomic disparities in childhood overweight (20). Vandevijvere et al. have illustrated that individuals from lower socioeconomic backgrounds are disproportionately exposed to unhealthy food environments and marketing (35). According to the Healthy Food Environment Policy Index (Food-EPI), national governments possess the greatest potential to enhance food and school environments (36). Recommendations may include imposing limitations on the proliferation of fast food outlets and the availability of junk food and sugary beverages near schools, along with regulations restricting unhealthy food marketing (20,20,36,37).
This study possesses notable strengths, particularly its longitudinal data collection since 1997, employing consistent methodology and unchanged height and weight assessment questions. This continuity enables the determination of childhood overweight and obesity trends over the past two decades across a national representative sample. However, several weaknesses warrant acknowledge.
Firstly, the reliance on (parental) self-reported data constitutes a significant limitation. Studies have highlighted the inherent inaccuracies of self-reported height and weight, which could lead to BMI underestimation and consequently, an underestimation of overweight and obesity prevalence (38,39). Additionally, Lorant at all. observed a lower participation rate among low-educated individuals regarding health status when comparing the HIS 2001 with the Belgian Census 2001, possibly due to fear of stigmatization (40). Despite these limitations, self-reported data collection in large population surveys remains more practical and cost-effective than measuring height and weight (38). Another limitation pertains to the study’s singular focus on parental education as a measure of SES is multifaceted, and other dimensions such as parental occupation and income may also influence childhood overweight and obesity and warrant consideration in interventions (5,8,24,41). Lastly, comparing the study’s results with those of other investigations is challenging due to variations in overweight and obesity classification systems, measurement methods (self-reported versus measured), and age group definitions (3,7). These discrepancies hinder direct comparisons and limit the broader contextualization of findings