Being a student at university offers the opportunity to grow, explore and to achieve. However, studies abound that show it is a period often associated with poor motivation and heightened anxiety (Gibbons, 2022a, 2022b; Neves & Hewitt, 2020). This study explored the experience of students in a UK university with a focus on the perception of stress and the key influences on coping and how this affects anxiety and motivation.
One of the most cited models of stress, the Transactional model, (Lazarus & Folkman, 1987), incorporates the perception and assessment of stress demands (the primary appraisal) along with the factors affecting coping (the secondary appraisal) and their influence on behaviour and health. Primary appraisals can lead to the judgment that the stressor is irrelevant, a challenge or a threat. As illustrated in Fig. 1, stress demands associated with optimal performance i.e., challenges one can achieve in, are sources of eustress (B). Those that are perceived as associated with apathy or boredom (A) or, more often, as exceeding one’s capacity to cope (C), are sources of distress (Gibbons, 2008).
Research into stress usually operationalises it in terms of degrees of distress. This study adopted a positive psychology framework, with university demands measured using the UK National Student Survey (NSS), with an adapted response scale, allowing stress demands to be rated as hassles (that hold the potential to have an adverse effect on well-being) and as uplifts (that hold the potential to enhance well-being). This is consistent with the ‘threat’ and ‘challenge’ appraisals in the Transactional model.
Sources of student stress
Sources of student stress include academic demands, for example, coursework and exams; fear of failure, lack of timely feedback; the quality of teaching and work-life balance (Ansari, Oskrochi & Haghgoo, 2014, Gibbons, 2022a). Gibbons (2022b) found that teaching and course demands, along with a range of support – from peers, tutors, the wider university and one’s partner, when rated as a hassle, were higher in those ‘at risk’ of a stress-related illness. Support rated as a hassle was also associated with lower motivation and higher anxiety (Gibbons, 2022b, 2023). Personal sources of stress include financial concerns, managing free time, working part-time while studying, and future concerns (McCloud & Bann, 2019; Gibbons, 2015). The changes students experience as they transition to university are frequently a source of acute stress. For most, they are learning to live independently, meet new people, adjust to new accommodation arrangements; manage their own finances and all along with the challenges posed by a course that may leave them feeling overwhelmed (Denovan & Macaskill, 2017; Denovan et al., 2019).
Stress effects
Well-being is defined as: ‘…a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease and infirmity’ (World Health Organization, 2006, p.100). While critics question the assumption of ‘completeness’ as integral to wellbeing, the definition highlights the critical role of psychology in wellbeing. The experience of stress can affect student well-being: including depression, anxiety and happiness (Zhang et al., 2015, Gibbons & Murray-Gibbons, 2023); and, depending on how stress is construed, it can positively or negatively influence learning motivation (Gibbons, 2022a, 2022b).
One of the key outcomes or stress effects, measured in the NSS, is learning motivation and Descals-Tomás et al., (2021) argue that key to student motivation is how students experience support from within (e.g. tutors and peers) and outside (e.g. family and friends) the university. While the former tends to be more important, students with the highest motivation benefit from both. Critical support from educators comes through oral and written feedback, by praising success and by encouraging students’ self-competence. Offering validation and emotional support was the most valued from family (Descals-Tomás et al., 2021). On the NSS, students rate a range of common experiences, such as teaching and learning, assessment and feedback, learning resources and the support infrastructure. Final year students are invited to complete the survey and the results are key in university league tables.
While understanding the influences on learning motivation is important, so too is understanding the influences on anxiety because of its association with performance and mental health. The x axis in Fig. 1, for example, is often operationalised through measures on anxiety, with increases in anxiety beyond the optimum, associated with a decline in performance, such as a narrowing in attention and a reduction in the efficiency of working memory (Eysenck, Derakshan, Santos & Calvo, 2007).
Gibbons (2022a) found lack of motivation and the hassle ratings given to support were key predictors of student anxiety. Conversely, uplifting ratings of support have been predictive of positive learning motivation, student mental health and lower anxiety (Gibbons, 2010).
Coping with stress
According to Neves and Hewitt’s (2020) UK survey, key predictors of course satisfaction in 2019 (n = 14072) and 2020 (n = 10227) were: the level of challenge in course demands; the student effort invested; the opportunity to interact with others, and how well the course was organised. Key influences on coping include personality and past experiences and these are drawn on to perceive and manage stress demands. Of the Big Five traits, the significance given to student effort in Neves and Hewitt’s (2020) findings, reflects the importance of conscientiousness in relation to student performance and course satisfaction (Gibbons, 2022a; Ivcevic & Brackett, 2014). The opportunity to interact with other students reflects the importance associated with support (Gibbons, 2009; Taylor, 2011; Neves & Hewitt, 2020).
Context control, or the skills acquired to manage particular situations, has been found to be an important coping resource in several studies (Maddi, 2002), including in a H.E. context (Gibbons, 2015, 2022a, 2022b). Control and effort or commitment, is also built into Maddi’s (2002) definition of hardiness. This refers to a set of attitudes that buffer the individual from adverse effects of stress and which help one adapt to change. It contains three components – commitment, control and challenge (the 3Cs):
In a learning context, those high in commitment become more engaged in any activity they think might enhance their learning and understanding. They invest effort and are proactive and eager to expand their understanding. This supports Neves and Hewitt’s (2020) findings. Students high in commitment are proactive in learning and harnessing the skills or techniques or knowledge needed to learn. Those high in control make it a priority to identify the skills they need to master a learning situation and they do not avoid but faceup to the inevitable challenges in learning. Those high in challenge acknowledge that change and, with it, difficulty and, often, some feeling of insecurity, are necessary to improve. They reframe the change the challenge poses, not as a ‘threat’ but as a necessary step to learning (Maddi, Harvey, Khoshaba, Fazel & Resurreccion, 2009).
Academic hardiness is an adapted version of the original scale (Creed, Conlon & Dhaliwal, 2013). It measures how students react to academic demands and challenges. Maddi et al., (2009) offer evidence that those high in the 3Cs are more motivated in their learning and are higher in courage. This manifests, for example, in better stress management, social skills, diplomacy and conflict resolution and Maddi et al., (2009) see this as the basis for resilience and its efficacy is supported by other research into academic hardiness in university students (Creed et al., 2013; Daneshamooz and Alamolhodaei, 2012; Spiridon & Evangelia, 2015). The value of hardiness and other coping influences – like control, support and reframing stressors, is that they can be learnt and improved on rather than fixed or dispositional.
In terms of personality, the Big Five traits (McCrea & Costa, 2004) have been associated with coping and wellbeing: extraversion is associated with elevated mood and lower anxiety (Kuijpers et al., 2021); neuroticism or levels of emotional stability and openness are also predictive with most findings reporting positive correlations with anxiety (Vollrath & Torgersen, 2000, Gibbons, 2022). A meta-analysis review exploring the relationship between extraversion and wellbeing and positive affect, reported a substantial effect size of r = .44 (Steel, Schmidt & Shultz, 2008). Interestingly, Hudson and Fraley (2017) found that within-person correlations between extraversion and wellbeing i.e., repeated testing over time, found those who acted more extraverted reported improved wellbeing. As well as illustrating that extraverted behaviour is common in those who cope well, it suggests that personality is adaptable.
Several studies have attempted to get participants to act or fake being extraverted or introverted. McNiel, Lowman and Fleeson (2010) replicated earlier findings by Fleeson, Malanos and Achille, (2002) and McNiel and Fleeson (2006), with participants asked to act extraverted or introverted in a ten-minute conversation. All those acting extraverted reported higher positive affect and, interestingly, this was irrespective of their baseline scores on trait extraversion. Jacques-Hamilton, Sun and Smillie, (2019) replicated the positive affect findings but with participants asked to act in a more extraverted way across a week, although they found the variance in positive affect was smaller when trait extraversion was controlled for.
Margolis and Lyubomirsky (2020) randomly assigned participants to fake being more extraverted over one week and more introverted over the next or vice versa They picked extraverted and introverted behaviours to fake that were similar in social desire-ability i.e., to fake being more talkative, assertive and spontaneous (extraversion) or deliberate, quiet and reserved (introversion) and they were given realistic scenarios in which they could do this, for example: ‘When my friends are discussing something important to me, I will [will not] express my opinion’. They operationalized wellbeing as positive and negative affect, flow, competence, autonomy and connectedness. Significant main effects were found with positive affect, flow and connectedness for those faking extraversion and, like Jacques-Hamilton et al., (2019), this was most pronounced for those high in trait extraversion, i.e., where the behaviours they were asked to do matched their personality, but there was a boost to wellbeing for all.
There are several factors that explain why extraverts cope better. They may physiologically have a higher threshold for change and for stress stimuli in general compared to introverts (Eysenck & Eysenck, 2013; Gray, 1970). They are more people oriented and this means they tend to benefit more from support as a coping resource and because they cope better, they tend to interpret new stress demands, such as, for students, a disappointing teaching experience or disappointing assignment result or a poor interactions with peers, as less threatening compared to those coping less well; and extraverted traits – being outgoing, sociable, people-orientated etc., tend to be seen, in the West at least, as more socially desirable. This leads to more approval and boosts self-esteem.
Optimism is another quality associated with motivation, performance and well-being (Cabras & Mondo, 2018; Seligman, 2008; Sharot, 2011). However, some of the research evidence for optimism may mistake the effect for the cause – if one is successful, optimistic thinking will follow (the effect). The cause of that success may relate to any number of ingredients, such as the earlier evidence on control, support, confidence and extraversion, all qualities which optimists tend to score higher in (Gibbons, 2023).
There are negatives to optimism too – if one overestimates the likelihood of positive outcomes, disappointment will be experienced more and when positive outcomes occur, because they were expected, they will be enjoyed less (Bell, 1985). Pessimists do not experience this downside. For them, good outcomes are more enjoyable because they are unexpected and bad outcomes less disappointing because they were anticipated. There is a risk that low expectations may reinforce under-achievement, but Norem and Cantor (1986) offer evidence of circumstances where pessimism helps. They argue, for those anxious-prone and who have tended to do well, a more effective strategy, is defensive pessimism. This involves setting unrealistically low expectations in situations that cause you anxiety. Setting a high expectation of success could add to already heightened anxiety and inhibit performance, tipping you past the peak (B) to (C) in Fig. 1. Gibbons (2022a) found, for example, that students high (in the upper quartile) on defensive pessimism and in anxiety and who had tended to achieve, were just as high in learning motivation compared to those high (in the upper quartile) on optimism and in a later replication, those high on defensive pessimism, compared to those high in optimism, were lower on anxiety, higher on course satisfaction and motivation (Gibbons, 2023).
Both optimists and extraverts tend to use other cognitive and emotional strategies. They are more emotionally expressive and have higher self-confidence and there is efficacy for both of these attributes (Pennebaker & Chung, 2007; Gibbons & Morgan, 2015). Optimists tend to reframe threats as challenges and reframe failure or mistakes as opportunities to learn, rather than dwell on any associated disappointment or negative emotions (Lazarus & Folkman, 1987; Seligman, 2008).
Aims and hypotheses
The study explored three aims: the influence of student stress, rated as hassles and uplifts, on anxiety and learning motivation, along with the coping influence of support, hardiness and personality. The second aim sought to compare defensive pessimism against other traits associated with good coping, on learning motivation, and to identify not just those aspects of personality characteristic in those who cope better but to identify the coping factors they use.
The final aim explored how coping influences might mediate between sources of stress and anxiety and sources of stress and learning motivation.
H1: There will be correlations between sources of stress, support, hardiness and personality (optimism, defensive pessimism, the Big Five) on anxiety.
H2 There will be correlations between sources of stress, support, hardiness and personality on learning motivation.
H3 Participants in the upper-quartile on traits associated with either low anxiety or high motivation, will score higher on hardiness, support, and cognitive and emotional coping strategies compared to participants in the lowest-quartile.
H4 There will be no difference in learning motivation between those high in defensive pessimism and those high in other traits associated with good coping.
H5: Coping influences will mediate between sources of stress and anxiety.
H6: Coping influences will mediate between sources of stress and learning motivation.