Across 17 cases, planned relocation reduced coastal hazard exposure from SLR and flooding. While near term exposure was generally reduced, this did not always extend through the 21st century, especially under a high emissions scenario. Consequently, the effectiveness of planned relocation is dynamic, changing over time, and dependent on emissions pathways30,31.
Geographic context helps explain variation in exposure reduction across cases. The three classes of cases described above highlight the importance of differences in land availability for planned relocation, with some countries having land at safer higher elevation, whereas others have no locations available with zero SLR and flood exposure. Many small island developing states (SIDs), especially atoll island countries such as the Maldives, where 80% of land area is less than 1-m above mean sea level32, have no places that are completely safe from coastal hazards. SIDs are not homogenous with differences in geography, institutional context, and historical and political status that have critical implications for climate adaptation33, yet many face severe land access constraints. While the limits to adaptation in SIDs and specifically atoll island contexts are well known34,35, our study raises questions about the specific limits of planned relocation as a sustainable climate change adaptation strategy over the long term and under higher emissions scenarios.
Exposure in some destination sites could be also a consequence of the absence of prior systematic assessment of risk. Strikingly, for 15 of the 17 cases, we could not find assessments of long-term ‘site suitability’ conducted prior to relocation. Based on a thorough search (Table S5), we found only two assessments36,37 conducted by stakeholders involved in the 17 planned relocations. Both were conducted in 2016 and considered current coastal hazard exposure and risk. Neither considered future sea level rise projections, let alone multiple future time horizons, emissions scenarios, and hazard types. Both included many criteria for site selection beyond environmental considerations, including, for example, economic livelihood opportunities and political constraints of land availability. Anecdotal evidence suggests that assessments were not always key to decision making, even if conducted: "the community's decision to relocate was based on the experience of the matriarch (grandmother) … not on the study"38. For future relocations, assessments of future scenarios tailored to decision-making context have the potential to function as decision support tools that offer communities and governments a way to more clearly understand risks, benefits, and uncertainties39.
While natural hazard(s) were present at each of the 17 cases, the relative influence of the hazard drivers likely varied. Available information about these cases suggests a range of motivations for relocation site selection, often centering on land availability, “political interests”40, or other social, economic, and demographic factors alongside environmental reasons41. Gardi Sugdub was initiated because of SLR and also demographic concerns of overcrowding on a small island42; Jakarta was initiated due to concerns about coastal hazards, subsidence, and long-standing political considerations43. This confirms findings of other studies: Tacloban destination sites selected post typhoon were bolstered by political enablers (i.e., already government owned, unoccupied, land with a clean title) alongside exposure reduction8. These specific examples point to the diversity of motivations and the potential for multicausal drivers for any relocation. The pentagon conceptual framework popularized by the Foresight Report44,45 captures the concept of multicausal drivers, including environmental, political, economic, demographic and social factors, for ‘environmental migration’ at the individual level. Extending this conceptualization to the community scale and adding cultural factors, this framework can provide a starting point for exploring the role of future SLR projections in influencing decisions about whether and where to relocate entire communities. All these factors may be important determinants of whether and where a community (or other decision maker such as government or non-governmental organization) will plan a relocation.
For this study, we made several simplifications that might be addressed in future work46. First, even for a given SSP, a range of sea level rise projections are possible. Second, estimates of extreme high water based on a model calibrated on data from the past may be biased low, as the intensity and frequency of coastal storms and associated storm surge and flooding are projected to increase in many regions29. Third, as sea levels rise and coastal storms potentially change, the two factors may interact in complex ways that lead to inundation patterns that increasingly depart from the linear ‘bathtub’ approach described here47 and future analyses could consider hydrologic connectivity48. Fourth, a range of measured or modeled thresholds (e.g., daily to once per century) and flood height distributions could provide a more complete assessment of exposure reduction. Fifth, despite advances in reducing errors in the vertical accuracy of the Coastal Digital Elevation Model (CoastalDEM)28 and the global reanalysis of storm surges and extreme sea levels (GTSR) dataset49, uncertainties in vertical resolution remain and may be reduced in future analyses with improved datasets and models. Sixth, an analysis that includes risks from hazards other than flooding would allow for a more complete picture of exposure reduction; for example, the destination site for Denimanu community in Fiji has landslide risks18. Seventh, accounting for extant climate adaptation infrastructure at origin and destination sites would allow for better assessment of exposure reduction. Eighth, including cases with multiple origin and destination sites would expand the data available and help explore exposure reduction in these contexts8,26. Finally, complementary analyses of socioeconomic vulnerability50 are essential to consider in metrics of relocation effectiveness, since the same exposure does not result in the same outcome for all51.
The decision to relocate an entire community is fraught for many reasons21, and many may not want to move52. Yet planned relocation may be deemed the best adaptation option by some communities most exposed to rising seas and flood risks. When planned relocation is considered, systematic prior assessment can play a key role in the characterization of future risk that is essential for effective policy and practice. There needs to be anticipatory forethought about what, where, how, why, and when planned relocation takes place, and how circumstances may evolve over time. Understanding the level of exposure reduction delivered in a move is a critical starting point. Assessments informing planned relocation processes should also consider socioeconomic and cultural dimensions of risk, leverage community-engaged participatory co-produced approaches53, and be inclusive of traditional and local knowledge54. Empirical evidence presented here of what planned relocation does – or, critically, does not55 – achieve supports communities and governments as they consider planned relocation to reduce human suffering and improve livelihood outcomes.Especially for countries that lack safe destination sites, this is an issue of climate injustice: the international community may need to consider burden sharing and multilateral support forexposed communities that lack internal planned relocation alternatives.