Just as at Liangzhu[1], archaeological work around the world often prioritizes the great sites. However, to better understand the past and the role that these large sites had to play in shaping neighboring settlements, archaeologists should obviously also pay attention to these smaller sites. We argue that the recent studies at core inland Liangzhu sites can only be comprehensively understood within a broader regional context and with regard to peripheral coastal sites at Lower Yangtze area. Previous work by Dong and Yuan has suggested that existing zooarchaeological findings at the Liangzhu cultural area reveal different animal husbandry practices between the urban center of Mojiaoshan and small sized sites during Liangzhu period (5300 − 4300 cal. BP)[18]. In the present study, we first attempted to investigate previously unexamined dietary practices of Liangzhu cultural human societies at Shanghai area, as a geographic periphery of the Liangzhu core. More importantly, by integrating new and existing C, N isotopic data of humans (n = 58), animals (n = 362) and plants (n = 3) recovered from sites around the Lower Yangtze area during 8000 − 4300 cal. BP, we provided a broad picture of the dynamic changes of diets and economic decisions of these coastal communities living at Shanghai and Ningshao areas before and during the Liangzhu phenomenon.
Although rice agriculture began around 10000 cal. BP in the Lower Yangtze area[38], archaeological evidence suggests that rice agricultural production in the region developed over thousands of years until before becoming more stabilized during the middle Songze culture through Liangzhu periods (5600 − 4300 cal. BP)[39]. Prior to this time, ancient humans may have consumed more wild animals and nuts for survival[40]. As shown in Fig. 6, in the coastal area of Ningshao before Liangzhu time, stable carbon and nitrogen isotope evidence from the Hemudu site and Tianluoshan site suggests that diversified human subsistence, like exploitation of wild plants, seawater and freshwater resources as well as wild games, sustained a continuous parallel development with low-level rice farming for millennia. In another coastal area of Shanghai, δ15N results for human bones recovered from the Songze site, 6000 − 5300 cal. BP, yield an increase in δ15N values compared to the inland residents of Jiangjiashan (7000 − 6000 cal. BP) and Sanxingcun (6500 − 5500 cal. BP) (student’s t-test, P = 0.0056). 15N enrichment levels in the Songze peoples (6000 − 5300 cal. BP) who lived in the coastal area of Shanghai at nearly the same time consumed a greater amount of freshwater foods. One important finding is that although different groups of Neolithic populations in Lower Yangtze region from 7000 − 5300 cal. BP have similar C3-based diets which were probably attributed to low-level rice farming and foraging of wild plant resources at large, according to varies of stable nitrogen values and zooarchaeological evidence from the study area[18], there are significant differences in foodways between the populations who lived in the inland area (Sanxingcun, Jiangjiashan) and other coastal (Hemudu, Tianluoshan, Songze, Tashan) settlements (Fig. 1, 6). This also shows that the food-related differentiation had appeared in inland and coastal societies at the Lower Yangtze River area during 7000 − 5300 cal. BP.
According to previous archaeobotanical studies and archaeological finding of complex water management systems at ancient Liangzhu City[2], during the Liangzhu period rice agriculture rapidly developed and rice foods eventually became a staple food incorporated into diets across the Lower Yangtze area[4, 10]. At this time, more sophisticated water management and farming techniques allowed the majority of individuals in the core of the Liangzhu area had a relatively balanced diet including a large number of domesticated rice, and meat from domesticates like pigs and some wild games including a number of freshwater resources as well. We had compared the δ13C and δ15N values of human samples from the sites of Sanxingcun and Liangzhu City (Meirendi site). Our analysis reveals that both inland communities shared a similar C3-based dietary pattern, while the core Liangzhu culture humans from the Meirendi site had relatively high trophic levels than Sanxingcun peoples based on N isotopic evidence (student’s t-test, P = 0.0005).
As for the foodways of human beings living at the peripheral coastal areas during Liangzhu period (5300 − 4300 cal. BP), previous work by Zhang et al. (2015)[36], for example, has reported that Tashan people, occupying a small East China Sea coastal settlement in the period 5300 − 4300 cal. BP, likely exploited more foods from rice and terrestrial animals but less marine food resources than the residents of the same site for the period 5900 − 5600 cal. BP. Also, it can be seen that the Hemudu residents living in the Ningshao area during 7000 − 6000 cal. BP had higher stable nitrogen isotopic values than Tashan peoples during 5300 − 4300 cal. BP (student’s t-test, P = 0.0434). Considering that large-scale rice paddies have been found at the Shiao site in Ningshao area directly dating to the Hemudu culture and the Liangzhu culture periods[41], we believe that the changes of diets and consumption habits of these peripheral populations at Tashan during the Liangzhu period were likely influenced by the expansion of massive rice cultivation in the Ningshao area from the Hemudu culture to Liangzhu culture periods (7000 − 4300 cal. BP). Nevertheless, we have also found that the δ15N values of humans of Tashan lower than those of the Liangzhu City during the same period (student’s t-test, P = 0.0052). This suggests that despite communication with the core Liangzhu culture, the Tashan societies reorganized their own sense of cultural identity along dietary lines and made specialized economic decisions to participate in a new social network, influenced by inland Liangzhu culture.
Moreover, as can be seen in Fig. 6, our new isotopic data suggests that the dietary lifestyle of the Zhelin people, living on a small Liangzhu site in the coastal area of the Lower Yangtze, was more similar to that of people from the core area of the Liangzhu culture compared to human beings from the Tashan site at Ningshao area during the Liangzhu period. Specifically, from Fig. 6, the δ13C (student’s t-test, P = 0.5334) and the δ15N (student’s t-test, P = 0.8691) values of humans at the Zhelin site and the inland Liangzhu core (Meirendi site) express no clear differentiation. Mean δ15N values at Zhelin are, however, higher than those of the Tashan individuals during the same period (Fig. 6). Moreover, the diet of Zhelin remains largely consistent to previous dietary pattern of humans at the Songze site during 6000 − 5200 cal. BP (δ13C: student’s t-test, P = 0.1982; δ15N: student’s t-test, P = 0.7225). Interestingly, the mean δ15N value of Zhelin humans decreased compared to inhabitants of Songze in nearby region prior to Liangzhu period (Fig. 6), perhaps suggesting a general decrease in the consumption of high-protein foods, such as aquatic meats, as subsistence economies became more agrarian during the Liangzhu period (5300 − 4300 cal. BP). In these cases, we argue that the economic decisions of the Zhelin people may be more dominated by Liangzhu core concerns, expressing a recognition of inland dietary lifeways of the core area of Liangzhu culture.
Previous studies have suggested that intensive rice agriculture has underpinned increased human populations and massive social evolution at the Lower Yangtze area during the Liangzhu period (5300 − 4300 cal. BP) through a rapid expansion of wetland under rice cultivation and a greater reliance on domesticated foods like pigs and water buffalo[3–4,18−19,42–43]. As such, we believe that the diets and consumption habits of these peripheral Liangzhu populations at Zhelin and Tashan, perhaps influenced, to some extent, by their desired food choices under the rapid development of early urbanized and agricultural lifestyle originating in the core Liangzhu area. The differentiation in dietary practices between the populations from the coastal Zhelin and Tashan sites, further suggests that the two societies living at the periphery of the Liangzhu cultural sphere may have taken on different roles to integrated into a new social network of Liangzhu culture. In the long run, this transition to a more standardized man-made agricultural economic choice may have inadvertently locked Liangzhu society into a system that depended on a limited range of “taxable” domesticated species[44], which may have been significantly affected by rapid climate changes at around 4200 cal. BP.