In fact, Turkic languages, the originality of palatal and labial synharmonism for some of their dialects, the melodic arrangement of vowels in palatal harmony is not objected by anyone. For the present period of the Uzbek literary language, although synharmonism does not apply, but the fact that it is preserved in Uzbek dialects is recognized by almost all dialectologist scientists. At the same time, the presence of a number of correlators in one place in the Uzbek dialects, which maintain the conflict according to the line, by mutual differentiation of meaning (Trubetskoy, 1987)makes it possible to distinguish the line as a distinguishing sign for vowels. For example, in Andijan dialect [өт] (bile) name of human organ, verb ўтмоқ (to pass) ‒ [ўт] grass, fire, [ўр] (mow) to mow down the grass, ‒ [өр] (plait) to plait one’s hair, [өз] reflexive pronoun ‒ [ўз] to overstep, [үн] voice - [ун] flour.
For the phonemes of the present Uzbek literary language, there is a fundamental opinion that the number of signs loses its phonological value, so therefore the present Uzbek literary language cannot be the basis of the classification of these signs for the phonemes of the vowels (Nabieva, 2005)
In some dialects of the Uzbek language, in particular in Namangan dialect, there is another appearance of synharmonism – not adaptation to the phonetic features of roots, but adaptation of the roots of vowels to the character of affix vowels. Such compatibility is considered to be umlaut.
The Umlaut is characterized for Uighur language and the present Uzbek language of some rural dialects of Namangan city, Uychi, Chartak districts, Yangikurgan and Uchkurgan districts (Aliev., 1975). Although Yangikurgan and Uchkurgan districts are close to the borders of the Kyrgyz Republic, the influence of synharmonism is not observed. We explain this by the fact that the center of Yangikurgan district, its surroundings and the population of the village of Kayki are located close to the city of Namangan, where representatives of umlaut dialect transit to those lands.
In linguistic literature, it is noted that there are three types of umlaut: palatal, labial and lingual appearance.
In the first type, the back row wide vowel of the first syllable is given to the influence of the next syllable by a narrow unstressed vowel, which turns into the front row vowel. For example, in the dialects of Uychi, Chartak towns, Kayki village of Uchkurgan district in Namangan region: [тəшъ] тоши (stone), [bəsh'] боши (head of), [қəшъ] қоши (eyebrow), [шәлъ] шоли (rice), [сəвъп] совиб (cooled), [сəғъп] соғиб (milking), [əлъвөр//ᴐвᴐр] олиб юбор (take it), [ɔтвɔр//əтъвөр] отиб юбор (throw it), [йɔзвɔр//йəзъвөр] ёзиб юбор (write down), [қᴐшқᴐлдᴐ:] қашқалдоқ (common coot), [тәвъп] табиб (healer), [бәръп] бориб (going), [йәзип] ёзиб (writing) and so on.
In the second type, the wide unstressed vowel of the first syllable is labialized under the influence of the labialized vowels of the next syllable. For example, (Namangan city, Uychi, Chartaq districts): [төнүр] (тандир) oven, [ɔ:дɔрүтть] ағдаряпди (turn over), [ɔдɔwүлдү// ɔдɔшүлдү] адо (finished).
For example, in the dialects of Uychi town, Chartak city, in the village of Kayki in Uchkurgan district of Namangan region: [тəшъ] тоши (stone), [бəшъ] боши (head), [қəшъ] қоши (eyebrow), [шәлъ] шоли (rice), [сəвъп] совиб (cooled), [əлъвөр//ᴐвᴐр] олиб юбор (pass over), [ɔтвɔр//əтъвөр]отиб юбор (throw over), [йɔзвɔр//йəзъвөр] ёзиб юбор (write over), [қᴐшқᴐлдᴐ:]қашқалдоқ (common coot), [тәвъп]табиб (healer), [бәръп] бориб (going), [йәзип] ёзиб (writing).
Pay attention, the first and second types: [Шəлъ ъкъшкə йɔргə йэр тъкьслəшкə чықвəтүдү, бɔмэдъ, тəшъ жа: купака:. Тəшлъ жа:да шəлъ йахшъ бума:ды, ɔмɔлə:кътън, тўза су: ичкəнъда:(н) шəлъ зүрүлəдъ. Ишланъ тъ:здə тугатса:, шəлънъ съпвɔрəддү] (To plant the rice (sow) on the precipice (around) are going to plough the land, no success, the stone (of the soil) are so many. The rice won’t be good in stony place, however there will be good harvest if the rice is given pure water. If we finish works (soil processing), we would sow rice as soon as possible).
In the third type, the opening level of the mouth changes. Under the influence of the next syllable narrow и (i) vowel, the front row wide vowel of the first syllable becomes a medium-wide vowel. For example, in the Uighur language: [касиш] кесиш (cutting), [катти]кетди (left). However, the appearance of the third type in the umlautized dialects of Namangan region is almost not observed (Atamirzayeva, 1974)
Umlaut is present to some extent in the dialects of some Turkic languages, and even in the dialects belonging to the Kipchak group. It is the opposite of synharmonism and is the next phenomenon in relation to Turkic languages. According to some linguists (Polivanov, 1935) (Borovkov, 1963) (Reshetov, 1960) umlaut came into being on the ground of extensive development and specific emphasis on assimilation. According to a group of linguists, umlaut is associated with the weakening of synharmonism.
Both palate and lab harmonies of Namangan Kipchak dialects are stronger than other dialects in the region. But the Altai, Khakass, Bashkir and Kyrgyz languages are relatively weak. Here it is desirable to rely on the thoughts of N.S. Trubeskoy (Trubetskoy, 1987).
In the syllables of the south-west Namangan dialects palate harmony has the following appearance: A) if the tongue in the first syllable of the root is one of the vowels of the back, then even in the last syllables of the word the vowels of the back (or rigid) are used; B) if the first syllable of the root begins with one of the front tongue (soft) vowels, then in the next roots of the word also front tongue vowels are used.
Pay attention: [зəкəндъ, дəйрəнъ бɔлиғы кўлдə бɔқылғɔн бɔлыҳтɔн шърън бўлɔди. Бɔлыҳлɔр ўтынды чўқидɔ пъшърълсə, я пɔҳтɔ йɔғыдɔ қɔвырылсɔ, зўрўлɔди, мəззə қыбыйсъз. Бɔлихти қɔтиққɔ қўшып йэвўмыйды, ўшɔнғɔ қɔтыҳты мɔнтиғɔ қўшъп йийиш кэрəк, йўмɔсɔм ɔдɔм ɔқɔрып кэтəдъ] (zakan (drainage in the dialect), the river's fish is much more tastier than the fish fed in (artificial) a lake. If the fish is fried in embers of firewood or fried in cottonseed oil, it will be tasty (fine), you can tastefully eat it. Fish cannot be eaten with yogurt, so it is necessary to eat yogurt with manti, if not, the person will turn pale (the appearance of white spots on the skin).
The above dialectological text is a representative of Namangan “y” Kipchak dialects (Juravoy Nizomov, born in Mingbulak district in 1932) written from his speech. The text is a sample of palatal harmony.
The law of the palate harmony in the dialect of Namangan Kipchak has the following appearance:
1. The root part of the word – in the basic lexical forms. In multi-syllable words, the vowels of the first syllable in the composition adapt to the vowels of the remaining syllable.
Such palatal harmony can be seen in the dialectal area of Namangan, Turakurgan, Mingbulak Pop districts owned to many villages’ population of speaking Kipchak dialect by pronouncing “j” and “y”. For example: [бᴐлық] балиқ (fish), [мᴐнты] манти (dumplings), [қᴐтық] қатиқ (yoghurt), [чᴐчық] сочиқ (towel), [чүмəль] чумоли (ant), [тᴐғᴐрᴐ] тоғора (basin), [сүмəлəк] сумалак (sumalak), [зəмбəр] замбил (barrow), [тᴐрғыс//тᴐрвыс] тарвуз (water melon), [сᴐмсᴐ] сомса (pie) have reserved own law of synharmonism.
2. When the suffix is added to the root part of the word. The presence of vowels in the back tongue and front tongue of Namangan Kipchak dialects has acquired affixes of back tongue hard and front tongue soft variants. Many word-forming and form-forming suffixes have their own pairs of contrasts.
a) when adding word forming suffix or compound words: [пәрмә+лө+ в+гъч] пармалагич (driller), [үй+мə+лə+мә] уймалама (don’t lump), [сәвә+ч+ъп] савағич (switch), [мэмᴐ+ хᴐнᴐ] меҳмонхона (hotel), [сᴐмсᴐх+пыйᴐс] саримсоқпиёз (garlic), [көз+ əйнəк] кўзойнак (eyeglasses), [дүмᴐлᴐ+қ//йумᴐлᴐ+қ] юмалоқ (round), [сᴐр+тᴐрᴐш+хᴐнᴐ] сартарошхона (barber shop), [нᴐн+тᴐхтᴐ, қыймᴐ+ тᴐхтᴐ] нонтахта (sheet of the wood) are reserved their own law of sinharmonismin many simple formed and compound words.
b) when the suffixes that form the syntactic form are added:
– genitive case and accusative case [-ды//дъ, -тъ//ты:] [буннъ//мүннъ] бурни (nose), [қᴐзᴐнды қулᴐғы], [қᴐзᴐнды кўтəр] қозоннинг қулоғи (handle of the pot), қозонни кўтар (lift the pot), [дəдəмдъ пычᴐҳлᴐры], [энəмдъ көйнəҳлəръ] дадамнинг пичоқлари (my father’s knife), онамнинг кўйлаклари (my mother’s dresses, [бᴐғлᴐрды дᴐрᴐхлᴐры], [сᴐвчылᴐрды гəплəръ] боғларнинг дарахтлари (trees of the garden, совчиларнинг гаплари (words of matchmakers), [тᴐшты тəгъдə], [ᴐттъ түйᴐғы], [ᴐштъ йэң], [тᴐвᴐҳты йүв] тошнинг тагида (under the stone), отнинг туёғи (horse’s hoof), ошни енг (eat the pilav), товоқни юв (wash the dish). In almost all Kipchak dialects of the dialectal area, the genitive and accusative cases are practically indistinguishable in pronunciation;
– dative case [-ғо//-ғᴐ//-ңᴐ, -ға//-гə, -қа//-кə]: in the dialects which pronounce “y” and “j” [нумᴐңᴐ//нумᴐвғᴐ] нимага, нега (why, how come), in the dialect of mixed type: [нумᴐнгə] нимага, нега (why, how come), [қəйғə//қөйғᴐ] қаерга (where to), [тўйғᴐ//тўйға//тўйгə] тўйга to the wedding, [терәҳти үчъгә чьҳтъ] теракнинг учига (энг баланд жойига) чиқди (climbed up to the top of the tree, [тᴐғᴐрᴐғᴐ сɔ:] тоғорага сол (put in the basin), [ɔрыққɔ чүш] ариққа туш (go down to the channel), [тэрәккə чьҳтъ] теракка чиқди (climbed up to poplar, [ожывɔэғɔ кэттъ] обжувозга чиқиб кетди (left to water peeling mill).
The strength of nasalization (Mirtojiev, 2013)is observed when the addition of the dative case suffix to the words in which there is a nasal sounds in the composition of the basis of Namangan dialects.
Nasalization is the addition of a resonator tone formed in the nose in the articulation of vowels. It is observed mainly in vowels that come into contact with the sonant pronunciation formed through the nose: such as [нумоңо, нумовғо, нумонга]. Because the previous sound articulation recursion is equal to the next sound articulation excursion. Therefore, the continuation of the sound from the previous vowel on the back is attached to the next vowel, and the resonator tone of the nose is also added to the next vowel resonator tone. As a result, even in the articulation of the vowel, the resonator tone of the nose is noted. This is considered to be nasalization. Although it is considered normal in the dialect of Namangan, it is not right to say that it is characteristic of Tashkent, Fergana or other dialects. In other dialects of the Uzbek language, the occurrence of vowel nasalization under the influence of sonant is rather weak. S. Otamirzaeva recorded in her studies that it was usual in Namangan and its surroundings dialects (Atamirzayeva, 1974) .
– locative-time cases [-да//до//-дə, -та//тə]: such as [көчəдə] кўчада (in the street), [уйдə] уйда (at home), [тᴐмдᴐ] томда (on the roof), [кэлъдə түй] ўғирда туй (grind in the mill), [мəллəдə] этакда (in the hem), [дəҳчəдə] токчада (on the shelf), [сᴐҳᴐт бэштə] соат бешда (at 5 o’clock), [эшъҳтə] эшикда (at the door).
– source case [-дан//-дᴐн, -тан//-дəн//-тон//-нᴐн//-нан//-нəн]: [укəмдән] укамдан (from my younger brother), [сийнъмдəн] синглимдан (from my younger sister), [чэккəдəн] четдан (from outside), [ᴐлмᴐдᴐн] олмадан (from apple), [сᴐмсᴐдᴐн] сомсадан (from pie), [бᴐшқᴐдᴐн] ўзгадан, бировдан (from stranger), [терəҳтəн] теракдан (from poplar), [эшъҳтəн] эшикдан (from the door), [ɔттɔн] отдан (from the horse), [хурмодон] хурмодан (from fig), [ᴐштᴐн] homonym: очдан, ошдан (from hunger), [бᴐшқᴐттᴐн] янгидан, қайтадан (again), [гълəмнəн] гиламдан (from carpet), [энəмнəн] онамдан (from my mother). If the word root is finished with the nasal consonants or ends with the additional nasal consonants that form the syntactic shape, then the nasalization is strengthened and the front tongue plosive sounds will exchange to [д] and [т][н] and [ң]: [ноннон] нондан (from the bread), [энəмдəн] онамдан (from my mother), [қўлъмнəн үшлəди] қўлимдан ушлади (hold my hand), [чәчъңдəн тортымы] сочингдан тортдими? (did he/she pull your hair?), [бɔшыңнɔн ўгирвəр] бошингдан айлантириб юбор (turn over the head), [қәнътъңъздɔн сɔтвɔлɔмɔн] қантингиздан сотиб оламан (I will by your sugar).
– when added unit of possessive suffixes [-(ъ)м//-(ы)м; -(ъ)нг//-(ы)ң; -(с)ъ//-(с)ы]: [буннъм//мүннъм] бурним (my nose), [қɔнным] қорним (my stomach); [чачъң] сочинг (your hair), [бɔшың] бошинг (your head); [энəсъ] онаси (his/her mother), [ɔтɔсы] отаси (his/her father); plurality [-(ъ)мьс//-(ы)мыз; -(ъ)ңьс//-(ы)ңыз; -ъ// -лəрь// -лоры]: such as [кэлънъмьс] келинимиз (our daughter-in-law), [қошығымыз] қошиғимиз (our spoon); [этъгъңьс] этигингиз (your shoes), [этә:ңьс] этагингиз (your hem), [қызыңыз] қизингиз (your daughter); [қўшнылɔрды пъчɔғъ] қўшниларнинг пичоғи (neighbors’ knife), [сөвзилəрь] сабзилари (their carrots), [пычоҳлоры] пичоқлари (their knives).
– when added unit of personal-quantity suffixes [-(ъ)м//-(ы)м;-(ъ)нг//-(ы)ң;-тъ// -ды]: such as [кэлдъм] келдим (I came), [қылдым] қилдим (I did); [көрдың] кўрдинг (you saw), [бɔрдың] бординг (you went); [әйттъ] айтди (he/she said), [қылды] қилди (he/she did); plurality [-мъс//-мыс//-мыз;(ъ)ң//-със//-сыс//сыз,-нəр//-нор;-ъ//-лəр//-лор]: [ɔ:ң] олинг (take, please), [кэң] келинг (come, please), [кэлəмис] келамиз (we’ll come), [қыйнɔмɔймыс] қийнамаймиз (we won’t hamper), [ўйлɔймыс] ўйлаймиз (we’ll think); [кэлəсъс] келасиз (you’ll come), [бɔрɔсыс] борасиз (you’ll go), [ўйнɔйсыс] ўйнайсиз (you’ll play), [чиқиннар] чиқинглар (come out, please), [кеннəр] келинглар (come in, please), [бɔрыннɔр] боринглар (visit us, please); [келадъ] келади (he/she’ll come), [келаллар] келадилар (they’ll come), [бɔрɔдилор] борадилар (they’ll go).
c) when adding suffixes that form lexical form:– plural suffixes [-лəр// -лар// -лɔр]: such as [чэвəллəр] чеварлар (dressmakers), [йъплəр] иплар (threads), [қувыллɔр//қүбырлɔр] қувурлар (pipes), [ғўрɔлɔр] довуччалар (raw apricots), [көрпәчәләр] кўрпачалар (blankets), [қɔрɔвыллɔр] қоровуллар (guards), [бɔллɔр] болалар (children), [тɔллɔр] толлар (willows), [дүвɔллɔр] деворлар (walls).
– participle suffix [-(ъ)п; -ғɔны// -гәнъ// -кəнъ]: such as [туръп] туриб гапир (speak standing), [ўқъп] ўқиб кўр (read it through); [бўғып] бўғиб (by strangling), [оғоны] олгани (to take), [урғоны] ургани (to beat), [қоғоны] қолгани (to stay), [борғоны] боргани (to go), [кўрганъ] кўргани (to see), [берганъ] бергани (to give), [айткəнъ] айтгани (to tell), [эккəнъ] эккани келдик (came to sow).
– Particle suffixes [-ган//-кəн//-қон//-ғон]: such as [дъгән] деган (told), [əйткəн] айтган (said), [чыққɔн] чиққан (went out), [бɔрғɔн] борган (went).
Well, even in Namangan Kipchak and Karluk dialects, many word-forming, word-changing consonants have their own pairs of contrasts. If the language in the composition of the predicate has a back vowel, then the vowel in the suffix component will also have a soft pronunciation, if there is a hard, tongue-picked vowel.
The harmony of the labialization. It is known that according to the law of harmony of the labialization, if the first syllable of the root is one of the labialized vowels, then the vowels in the last syllable are also labialized.
There is little, though, the law of harmony of the labialization in Kipchak dialects of Namangan. The phenomenon of labialization is noticeable in the first, second syllables, and the transition to the third and last syllables is sporadic. But the harmony of the labialization is sharply different from the perfectly preserved Altai and Kyrgyz languages. These languages are distinguished not only by their hard softness, but also by the fact that they are labialized and un-labialized features (Iskhakov, 1968).
There are only hard and soft variants of affixes in Kipchak dialects of Namangan, but not systematic ones. Pay attention to the following examples:
Overview of variants of affixes in Kipchak dialects of Namangan
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Kipchak dialects of Namangan
In the literary language
у – у
урүв, сүйүқ, тувүшқон
урув (девор уриш) (to construct the wall), суюқ (liquid), туғишган (relative person)
ө – ү
қурүди, өрүм, өкүн, өкүлота
Қуриди (dried), ўрим (соч) (pigtail), ўкинмоқ (to get offended), вакилота (godfather)
ү – ү
күкүн, түйүн, йүгүр
Кукун (powder), тугун (knot), югур (run)
ү – ө
Куёв (son-in-law), суроби (суроби тортилмоқ) (to get punished)
You can see from the examples, that in Kipchak dialects of Namangan is present only in labialized sinharmonizm in [у-у, ү-ү, ө-ү] and partially in [ү-ө] variants, in other remaining types [в-в, у-ү, о-ү, о-ү] it doesn’t occur. The previous ones were also very limited, they are used in a few words (mostly in j” speaking people).
When suffix is added to a single-syllable words with a labialized vowel, labialization then occurs: such as [үр+дүқ] урдик (let’s beat), [түр+үң] туринг (stand up), [йүр+үп] юриб (walking), [төл+уп] тўлиб (filling).
In the case of sporadic cases in Kipchak dialects of Namangan, the phenomenon of labia is observed in the transition to the second and third syllables: such as [йүгүрүк] югурик қўл, мушт (fist), [күйүнүк] ачинарли, ҳафагарчилик (pitiful), [сүйүнүв] хурсандчилик (happiness), [бүлүндүрүқ] туманли қиров (foggy), [сүргүрүч] ширингуруч (ricy milk porridge), [чүғүрчүқ,] чуғурчуқ (starling), [түтүрүқ] тутуруқ (unreliable). The scope of validity of the labialization harmony is limited.